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CHAPTER XVIII
THE EGYPTIAN WAR

I. THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLE

NOTE

The story of the Egyptian war may conveniently begin with an account of the affair of the 9th September, 1881, when Tewfik, Khedive of Egypt, met Arabi Pasha face to face in the Square of Abdin at Cairo, and failed to take advantage of the greatest opportunity of his life. Had he acted there and then upon the counsel of Mr. (afterwards Sir) Auckland Colvin, British Controller, it is possible that the Egyptian war might have been avoided.

The beginning of the trouble was the jealousy existing between the native Egyptian and the Turkish, or Circassian, elements of the army. Rightly or wrongly, the Egyptian, or fellah, officers believed themselves to be slighted. The Turkish, or Circassian, officers, being of the same race as the ruling family, regarded themselves as the dominant caste. In the time of Ismail Pasha, the predecessor of Tewfik, the Minister of War, Osman Pasha Rifki, a Circassian, perceived that his dignity was compromised by his being obliged to receive orders from the Khedive through Ali Fehmi, captain of the Guards at the Palace, a fellah. In the East, such a situation does not continue. Ali Fehmi mysteriously fell into disgrace. Naturally, he had a grievance; and he joined himself to two other officers of his race, who also had grievances. These were Abdel-el-Al and Ahmed Arabi, who was to become better known as Arabi Pasha. They were called the "Three Colonels," and to them came Mahmoud Sami Pasha, an exceedingly astute politician.

Arabi's particular injury was that he had been punished by Ismail for creating a disturbance under the Palace windows, when he was one of the officers of the guard. Ismail had bluntly remarked that Arabi was more noisy but less useful than the big drum. Arabi joined a secret society of discontented officers, and shortly afterwards again fell into trouble under a charge of corruption while he was in command of transports during the war between Egypt and Abyssinia. Subsequently, Ismail allowed Arabi to join a regiment, whereupon he became chief of the secret society. One of its members divulged the secret to the Khedive, who adopted the Oriental method of buying the allegiance of the disaffected officers by promoting in one day seventy of them to be lieutenant-colonels. He also presented one of his slaves to Arabi to wife.

So much for Ismail Pasha. When, by order of the Sultan, he was superseded by Tewfik, Arabi made haste to do obeisance to the new Khedive, who made him a full colonel. But when Tewfik reduced the army, the Three Colonels presented a petition to the Khedive, demanding, among other matters, that an Egyptian should be made Minister of War in place of Osman Rifki. The Three Colonels were thereupon arrested. Mahmoud Sami Pasha, a member of the Cabinet, secretly arranged that when they were brought before the Court-martial, the soldiers should rescue them. On the 1st February, 1881, accordingly, the soldiers burst into the court, turned it inside out, and carried the Three Colonels to the Palace. The Khedive, confronted with physical force to which he had nothing to oppose, consented to supersede his War Minister in favour of the crafty Mahmoud Sami, to increase the army by 18,000 men, and to abolish favouritism.

The Khedive very soon discovered that Mahmoud Sami was by no means a desirable Minister of War, and also that the Three Colonels and their friends continued to stir up trouble. He therefore dismissed Mahmoud Sami and appointed in his stead the Khedive's brother-in-law, Daoud Pasha, a Circassian, and ordered the disaffected regiments to leave Cairo. At the same time it was rumoured that the Khedive had obtained a secret decree from the Sultan condemning Arabi and his friends to death. When the order to remove his regiment from Cairo was received by Arabi, that leader of revolt informed the Minister of War on 9th September, 1881, that the troops in Cairo would proceed the same afternoon to the Palace of Abdin, there to demand of the Khedive the dismissal of the Ministry, the convocation of the National Assembly, and the increase of the army. Then came Tewfik's opportunity, which, as already observed, he let slip.

When the Khedive entered the Square, accompanied by Mr. Colvin, British Controller, and a few native and European officers, he was confronted with some 4000 soldiers and thirty guns. The following account of the critical moment is given by the Hon. Charles Royle, in his excellent history of The Egyptian Campaigns (London, 1900).

"The Khedive advanced firmly towards a little group of officers and men (some of whom were mounted) in the centre. Colvin said to him, 'When Arabi presents himself, tell him to give up his sword and follow you. Then go the round of the regiments, address each separately, and give them the "order to disperse."' The soldiers all this time were standing in easy attitudes, chatting, laughing, rolling up cigarettes, and eating pistachio nuts, looking, in fact, as little like desperate mutineers as could well be imagined. They apparently were there in obedience only to orders, and, without being either loyal or disloyal, might almost be regarded as disinterested spectators.

"Arabi approached on horseback: the Khedive called out to him to dismount. He did so, and came forward on foot with several others, and a guard with fixed bayonets, and saluted. As he advanced, Colvin said to the Khedive, 'Now is the moment, give the word.' He replied, 'We are between four fires. We shall be killed.' Colvin said, 'Have courage.' Tewfik again wavered, he turned for counsel to a native officer at his side, and repeated, 'What can I do? We are between four fires.' He then told Arabi to sheathe his sword. Arabi did so at once, his hand trembling so with nervousness that he could scarcely get the weapon back into its scabbard. The moment was lost. Instead of following Colvin's advice, and arresting Arabi on the spot, a step which would have at once put an end to the whole disturbance, the Khedive walked towards him and commenced to parley."

The Khedive subsequently agreed to dismiss the Ministry at Arabi's request; and Arabi thus advanced another step towards obtaining military control of the country. For a time he prevented Cherif Pasha from forming a Ministry, and summoned to Cairo the Chamber of Notables. The members of the Chamber, however, whose office was purely advisory, supported Cherif Pasha. By means of a skilful intrigue, Mahmoud Sami contrived to obtain the appointment of Minister of War. Arabi then effected a temporary retreat with his regiment to El Ouady, in the Delta, and waited upon events. It was then October. The Khedive had convoked an assembly of the Chamber of Notables at the end of December, and in the meantime the elections were proceeding.

It should here be observed that Arabi did not merely represent discontent in the army. He had behind him a genuine and largely just popular agitation, the result of many evils suffered by the natives. "Ismail's merciless exactions, and the pressure of foreign moneylenders, had given rise to a desire to limit the power of the Khedive, and, above all, to abolish the Anglo-French control, which was considered as ruling the country simply for the benefit of the foreign bondholders. The control was further hated by the large landholders, because the law of liquidation (with which the Controllers in the minds of the people were associated) had in a measure sacrificed their claims for compensation in respect of the cancelling of a forced loan known as the 'Moukabaleh,' and it was still more detested by the Pashas and native officials, because it interfered with the reckless squandering of public money, and the many opportunities for corruption by which they had so long been benefited. In addition to this, there was a great deal of irritation at the increasing number of highly paid European officials which the reformed administration inaugurated in the latter days of Ismail involved. The people began to suspect that what was occurring was only part of a plan for handing the country over to Europeans. The examples lately set by England with regard to Cyprus, and by France in Tunis, were, it must be owned, but little calculated to inspire confidence in the political morality of either of these two Powers" (Royle, The Egyptian Campaigns).

In these things consisted the reserve strength of Arabi; and while he was ostensibly in retirement at El Ouady (probably spending a good deal of time in Cairo with his fellow-conspirators), the native press continued to excite irritation against the Europeans; and when the new Chamber of Notables assembled on 25th December, 1881, they at once presented demands which brought the whole situation in Egypt to the notice of Europe. The Chamber demanded control of the revenues outside those assigned to the Public Debt, together with other new powers directly infringing the prerogatives of the Sultan and of the Khedive. It seems that Mahmoud Sami inspired these manifestations, not with any hope or desire that the demands of the Chamber would be granted, but because, as they were inadmissible, the Ministry of Cherif Pasha would be wrecked, and Mahmoud Sami thereby advantaged.

The British and French Governments declared that the demands of the Chamber were unacceptable. At the same time they learned that the coast fortifications were being strengthened and that the army was to be increased. On behalf of the two Powers, a Joint Note was presented to the Khedive in Cairo, on 8th January, 1882, stating that England and France were united in opposing "the dangers to which the Government of the Khedive might be exposed."

The presentation of the Joint Note marks the beginning of that European intervention which might have prevented, but which did not prevent, the massacre in Alexandria of the 11th June, 1882, and which eventually resulted in the bombardment of that city on 11th July, 1882. The jealousy existing between France and England at that time in respect of intervention in Egypt, nullified the effective action of either party. Had M. Gambetta continued in power, he would probably have forced Lord Granville to adopt a decisive policy. But M. de Freycinet, who succeeded Gambetta while the question was still under discussion, was as much afraid of responsibility as Lord Granville was. Diplomacy thus returned to its customary routine of addressing Circular Notes to the European Powers, and generally avoiding definition as long as possible. Arabi seized his opportunity and announced that intervention on the part of England and France was inadmissible. The Chamber of Notables also saw their chance, and demanded the dismissal of the Ministry. The Khedive, apparently deserted by England and France, and much afraid of offending the Sultan, had no choice but to dismiss Cherif Pasha and to appoint in his stead Mahmoud Sami, who thus attained his object. Mahmoud Sami immediately appointed Arabi Pasha Minister of War. Arabi thus achieved a military dictatorship. It will be observed that his success was directly due to the vacillation of the English and French Governments. Mahmoud Sami at once forced the Khedive to assent to the demands of the Chamber, and the English and French Controllers resigned, upon the ground that "the Khedive's power no longer exists."

The dictators, Mahmoud Sami and Arabi (now Arabi Pasha), strengthened the coast fortifications, ordered ninety guns of Herr Krupp, and rapidly increased the army. Then the dictators, considering that the hour of their vengeance had arrived, arrested fifty of the hated Circassian officers, (it is said) tortured them, and sentenced forty of them to perpetual exile. The Khedive refused to sign the Decree; whereupon Mahmoud Sami threatened that his refusal would be followed by a general massacre of foreigners. A month later, on 11th June, such a massacre occurred. In the meantime, the open quarrel between the Khedive on the one side, and his Ministers, backed by the army, on the other, created general alarm. Mahmoud Sami convoked the Chamber; only to discover that the Notables were afraid to support him. Under these circumstances, Mahmoud Sami and Arabi Pasha informed the Khedive that, on condition that he would guarantee the maintenance of public order, they would resign. The Khedive replied in effect that it was not he but Arabi that troubled Israel. On the next day, 15th May, 1882, the English and French Consuls-General warned Arabi that in the event of disturbance, England, France and Turkey would deal with him. Arabi retorted that if a Fleet arrived, he could not be responsible for the safety of the public. Upon the same day the Consul-General informed the Khedive that an Anglo-French Fleet was on its way to Alexandria, whereupon Mahmoud Sami and the rest of the Ministry made a formal submission to the Khedive.

Such was the first influence, exerted from afar, of naval power. But when, upon the 19th and 20th May, the ships arrived at Alexandria, the effect was considerably lessened; for the force consisted of no more than one British line-of-battle ship, H.M.S. Invincible, with two gunboats, and one French line-of-battle ship, La Gallisonière, with two gunboats. The object of the Granville-Freycinet diplomacy, to do something and yet not to do it, had thus been triumphantly achieved.

The instructions given to the British and French admirals respectively are worth noting.

The British admiral was told to:

"Communicate with the British Consul-General on arrival at Alexandria, and in concert with him propose to co-operate with naval forces of France to support the Khedive and protect British subjects and Europeans, landing a force, if required, for latter object, such force not to leave protection of ships' guns without instructions from home."

It will be observed that Admiral Sir Frederick Beauchamp Seymour was not given enough men to form an efficient landing party; so that the futile clause concerning "the protection of the ships' guns" is hardly worth considering.

The French instructions were at least logical. The French admiral was plainly told to do nothing except in an emergency.

"On arrival at Alexandria communicate with the Consul-General, who will, if necessary, indicate to you what you will have to do to give a moral support to the Khedive. You will abstain, until you have contrary instructions, from any material act of war, unless you are attacked or have to protect the safety of Europeans."

Acting on the advice of the Consuls-General, the Khedive endeavoured to induce Mahmoud Sami and Arabi to resign. The dictators refused. The Consuls-General thereupon presented them with an ultimatum, and the Ministry resigned; but the Khedive was subsequently compelled by the threats of the army and the prayers of the terrified notables to reinstate Arabi Pasha. That leader at once published a proclamation stating that he guaranteed the public safety, which failed, however, to allay the public fears. On 29th May the European population of Alexandria drew up a memorial, which was telegraphed to the Foreign Office, stating that they were placed in extreme peril, against which the force at the disposal of the British admiral was totally inadequate.

Upon the same day, Admiral Seymour reported that earthworks were being raised on shore, and asked for reinforcements. On 30th May another line-of-battle ship arrived, with two gunboats, and three French warships. The rest of the British squadron in the Mediterranean were directed to cruise within touch of the admiral.

On the 7th June an Imperial Commissioner, Dervish Pasha, dispatched by the Sultan, arrived at Cairo. He was instructed to play a double part, the object of his mission being to counteract European influence. It was a complicated intrigue; but it is not worth unravelling, because Dervish Pasha presently discovered that the ruler of Egypt was Arabi Pasha.

Such is a summary of events up to the eve of the riots in Alexandria. At that moment, Arabi Pasha was military dictator; backed by the army and supported by popular sentiment: the Khedive, still nominally ruler, was deprived of power and went in peril of his life; the Sultan, his overlord, whose dominant motive was the desire to avoid foreign intervention in Egypt, wrapped himself in diplomatic ambiguity; England and France, the only interested foreign Powers, each afraid of the other and both afraid of incurring responsibility, were in a state of miserable vacillation, for which (as usual) many helpless and innocent persons paid with their lives and property. In these circumstances, the advantage lay with the man who knew his own mind. That man was Arabi Pasha.

It seemed that nothing could better serve his ends than an organised massacre of Europeans by the populace, during which the police and the army should remain passive; for nothing could more effectually demonstrate the power of the dictator, bring the Khedive into contempt, flout the foreign Powers which had exhibited so contemptible a weakness, and delight the populace.

Accordingly, on Sunday, 11th June, 1882, a devastating riot broke out in Alexandria. The natives had been armed beforehand with naboots, or long sticks; the mustaphazin, or military police, joined in the attack; the soldiers remained immobile until Arabi telegraphed his orders from Cairo, when they at once stopped the disturbance. During the day, men, women and children, European and native, were shot, beaten, and murdered, and the town was looted. The loss of life was estimated at 150 persons.

In the evening the troops restored order, and subsequently maintained it up to the day of the bombardment. During that period, large numbers of persons left the city. Refugees of all nations were embarked in the harbour.

Lord Salisbury, who was then in Opposition, trenchantly exposed the true character of a policy whose direct result was that British subjects were "butchered under the very guns of the Fleet, which had never budged an inch to save them." The Government had not given the admiral an adequate force. It was the old story of the naval officer being forced to subserve the ends of the politicians.

In England, public indignation forced the Government to take action. The Channel Squadron was dispatched to Malta, there to remain at Admiral Seymour's disposal. Two battalions were sent to Cyprus.

Arabi Pasha brought more troops to Alexandria and continued to fortify the coast defences. In the meantime the Navy was helping to embark the refugees.

From this point, the general course of events may conveniently be related in the form of a diary, thus supplementing, for the purposes of reference, the detailed narrative of Lord Charles Beresford.

On 11th July the British Fleet bombarded the coast forts. The warships of other nations took no part in the action. The British force consisted of fifteen vessels and 5728 men; eight ironclads, five gunboats, a torpedo vessel and dispatch vessel. The forts were silenced and the gunners were driven from their batteries.

On 12th July the city was set on fire by the Egyptian troops. These, accompanied by civilians, looted the city and so departed.

On 13th July the British admiral landed 800 men. It will be observed that had Admiral Seymour been permitted to land a force upon the preceding day, he could have disarmed the Egyptian troops and prevented the conflagration. The Khedive had taken refuge in his Palace at Ramleh, and the Condor, Commander Lord Charles Beresford, was sent to lie off the Palace to protect him. Captain John Fisher, H.M.S. Inflexible, was ordered to take command of the landing party. Upon occupying the outer lines, Captain Fisher, finding chaos in the town, in rear of his position, applied for an officer to exercise the duties of provost-marshal and chief of police, and suggested that Lord Charles Beresford should be appointed.

On 14th July the British force was occupying all important positions.

On 15th July Admiral Dowell, commanding the Channel Squadron, arrived in the Monarch. Lord Charles Beresford was appointed provost-marshal and chief of police to restore order.

Mr. John Ross, the British merchant in Alexandria who gave unsparing and generous assistance to the British forces, – services for which he has never received recognition – writes to me as follows: —

"Lord Charles Beresford saved millions' worth of property, causing the indemnity paid by the European Government to be much less than it would otherwise have been. I can assure you that there was a chance of the whole of Alexandria being burnt to the ground, had it not been for the wonderfully prompt, energetic, and scientific arrangements made by Lord Charles Beresford… I do not think England can ever be made to know properly and understand and appreciate enough with regard to what Lord Charles Beresford did for his country as well as for Egypt in 1882."

On 17th July 1000 Marines and 1700 soldiers arrived. General Sir Archibald Alison took command of the whole of the land forces, now numbering in all, 3686.

On the 20th July the British Government decided to dispatch an expedition to Egypt.

On the 21st July the water supply of Alexandria began to fail, Arabi having dammed the flow from the Nile into the Mahmoudieh Canal, and let salt water into it from Lake Mareotis. Hitherto the supply had been maintained by the gallant exertions of Mr. T. E. Cornish, manager of the waterworks. Sir Archibald Alison began his attacking movements.

On the 22nd July the Khedive dismissed Arabi Pasha from his post of Minister of War. Arabi Pasha was now at Kafr Dowar with 5000 to 30,000 men. A battalion of British troops sailed from Bombay.

On the 24th July Mr. Gladstone informed Parliament that the country was "not at war." On the same day the British troops occupied Ramleh, a suburb of Alexandria.

At this time Captain Fisher fitted out the armoured train.

On the 30th July the Scots Guards sailed for Alexandria. From the beginning to end of the war, there were dispatched, or under orders, from Great Britain and Mediterranean stations, 1290 officers and 32,000 men. Add the Indian contingent, 170 officers, 7100 men, consisting of 1st Seaforths, 1st Manchester, 1 Bombay and 2 Bengal battalions Native Infantry, 3 regiments Bengal Cavalry, 1 field battery, 1 mountain battery, and a section of Madras Sappers and Miners. Add to these, 3500 followers, 1700 horses, 840 ponies, 5000 mules.

On the 1st August Lord Charles Beresford, having in the space of a fortnight saved the town of Alexandria from destruction and restored complete order, was relieved by Major Gordon.

On the 2nd August Admiral Sir William Hewett, with six vessels of war, occupied Suez.

On 3rd August the National Council declared its support of Arabi Pasha.

On 5th August General Alison attacked and defeated the enemy on the Mahmoudieh Canal.

On the 7th August the Khedive issued a proclamation directed against Arabi Pasha and rebellion.

On the 10th August Sir John Adye, chief of staff, with the Duke of Connaught, arrived at Alexandria.

On the 12th August the Brigade of Guards, the Duke of Connaught at their head, marched through Alexandria to Ramleh, greatly impressing the populace.

On the 15th, General Commanding-in-Chief Sir Garnet Wolseley and Major-General Sir Evelyn Wood arrived at Alexandria.

On the 18th August the greater part of the troops embarked for Port Said, the transports being escorted by five ironclads.

On the night of the 19th-20th August the Navy took entire possession of the Suez Canal. The Monarch and Iris took Port Said. The Orion, Northumberland, Carysfort and Coquette took Ismailia. Admiral Hewett had already seized Suez.

On the 20th of August the troops and warships from Alexandria arrived at Port Said, together with Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour in the Helicon. M. Ferdinand de Lesseps had done his utmost to prevent the seizure of the Canal, which, he insisted, was neutral. It is said that when the troops began to disembark at Ismailia, M. de Lesseps, erect upon the landing-place, announced that "no one should land except over his dead body"; to which defiance a bluejacket, gently urging aside the heroic engineer, replied, "We don't want any dead bodies about here, sir; all you've got to do is to step back a bit" (Royle, Egyptian Campaigns).

On the 21st August Sir Garnet Wolseley arrived at Ismailia in the Salamis, and, by orders of the Khedive, issued a proclamation announcing that the sole object of Her Majesty's Government was "to re-establish the authority of the Khedive."

The advance into the Delta was begun.

On the 24th August Wolseley captured the dam on the Fresh Water Canal.

On the 25th August the enemy were driven back upon Tel-el-Kebir. Mahmoud Fehmi Pasha, one of the original "Three Colonels," now Arabi's chief of staff, was captured at Mahsameh railway station.

On the 28th August occurred the action at Kassassin, in which the Egyptians were defeated. Kassassin was occupied. During the next few days men and stores were assembled there.

On the 9th September Arabi attacked Kassassin in force and was driven back to Tel-el-Kebir. Sir Garnet Wolseley made Kassassin his headquarters.

On the 12th September the army was concentrated at Kassassin. On that night the troops advanced towards Tel-el-Kebir.

On the 13th September an attack at dawn was made in three places upon the Egyptian entrenchments. The British carried them under a heavy fire at the point of the bayonet. The action was decisive. Arabi's power was broken. Arabi fled to Cairo.

The 6th Bengal Cavalry captured Zag-a-Zig the same evening; and the Cavalry division occupied Belbeis.

On 14th August the Cavalry Division rode from Belbeis to Cairo, starting at dawn and arriving at Abbassieh at 4.45 p.m. The same night, Captain Watson, R.E., disarmed the troops in the Citadel and occupied Cairo.

On the 15th August Sir Garnet Wolseley and the Guards arrived at Cairo, a day before scheduled time.

During the next week, Kafr Dowar, a place of equal importance with Tel-el-Kebir, Aboukir, Rosetta and Damietta, surrendered.

From the bombardment of Alexandria to the capture of Cairo was sixty-six days, of which the campaign occupied twenty-five days.

On the 25th September the Khedive returned to Cairo, where the greater number of the British troops assembled. Subsequently, Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour and Sir Garnet Wolseley were created Peers of the United Kingdom.

Arabi Pasha was tried by court-martial on a charge of rebellion against the Khedive, and was condemned to death, the sentence being commuted to exile for life. In December, Arabi and six of his friends who had been sentenced sailed for Ceylon.