Kitabı oku: «Dio's Rome, Volume 3»

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
45

VOL. 3.—1

The following is contained in the Forty-fifth of Dio's Rome:

About Gaius Octavius, who afterward was named Augustus (chapters 1-9).

About Sextus, the son of Pompey (chapter 10).

How Caesar and Antony entered upon a period of hostility (chapters 11-17).

How Cicero delivered a public harangue against Antony (chapters 18-47).

Duration of time, the remainder of the year of the 5th dictatorship of C. Iulius Caesar with M. Aemilius Lepidus, Master of the Horse, and of his 5th consulship with Marcus Antonius. (B.C. 44 = a. u. 710.)¹

(BOOK 45, BOSSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 44 (a. u.710)]

[-1-] This was Antony's course of procedure.—Gaius Octavius Copia,—this was the name of the son of Caesar's niece, Attia,—came from Velitrae in the Volscian country, and having been left without a protector by the death of his father Octavius he was brought up in the house of his mother and her husband, Lucius Philippus, but on attaining maturity spent his time with Caesar. The latter, who was childless, based great hopes upon him and was devoted to him, intending to leave him as successor to his name, authority, and supremacy. He was influenced largely by Attia's explicit affirmation that the youth had been engendered by Apollo. While sleeping once in his temple, she said, she thought she had intercourse with a serpent, and through this circumstance at the end of the allotted time bore a son. Before he came to the light of day she saw in a dream her womb lifted to the heavens and spreading out over all the earth; and the same night Octavius thought the sun rose from her vagina. Hardly had the child been born when Nigidius Figulus, a senator, straightway prophesied for him sole command of the realm.²

He could distinguish most accurately of his contemporaries the order of the firmament and the mutations of the stars, what they accomplished by separation and what by conjunctions, in their associations and retirements, and for this reason had incurred the charge of practicing some kind of forbidden pursuits. He accordingly met on that occasion Octavius, who was somewhat tardy in reaching the senate on account of the birth of the child,—there happened to be a meeting of the senate that day,—and asked him why he was late. On learning the cause he cried out: "You have begotten a master over us."³ At that Octavius was alarmed and wished to destroy the infant, but Nigidius restrained him, saying that it was impossible for it to suffer any such fate. [-2-] This was the conversation at that time. While the boy was growing up in the country an eagle snatched from his hands a loaf of bread, and after soaring aloft flew down and gave it back to him.⁴ When he was a lad and staying in Rome Cicero dreamed that the boy was let down by golden chains to the summit of the Capitol and received a whip from Jupiter.⁵ He did not know who the youth was, but meeting him the next day on the Capitol itself he recognized him, and told the vision to the bystanders. Catulus, who had likewise never seen Octavius, beheld in a vision all the noble children on the Capitol at the termination of a solemn procession to Jupiter, and in the course of the ceremony the god cast what looked like an image of Rome into that child's lap. Startled at this he went up into the Capitol to offer prayers to the god, and finding there Octavius, who had ascended the hill for some other reason, he compared his appearance with the dream and was satisfied of the truth of the vision. When later he had become a young man and was about to reach maturity, he was putting on the dress of an adult when his tunic was rent on both sides from his shoulders and fell to his feet. This event of itself not only had no significance as forecasting any good fortune, but displeased the spectators considerably because it had happened in his first putting on the garb of a man: it occurred to Octavius to say: "I shall put the whole senatorial dignity beneath my feet"; and the outcome proved in accordance with his words. Caesar founded great hopes upon him as a result of this, introduced him into the class of patricians and trained him for rulership. In everything that is proper to come to the notice of one destined to control so great a power well and worthily he educated him with care. The youth was trained in oratorical speeches, not only in the Latin but in this language [Greek], labored persistently in military campaigns, and received minute instruction in politics and the science of government.

[-3-] Now this Octavius chanced at the time that Caesar was murdered to be in Apollonia near the Ionic Gulf, pursuing his education. He had been sent thither in advance to look after his patron's intended campaign against the Parthians. When he learned of the event he was naturally grieved, but did not dare at once to take any radical measures. He had not yet heard that he had been made Caesar's son or heir, and moreover the first news he received was to the effect that the people were of one mind in the affair. When, however, he had crossed to Brundusium and had been informed about the will and the people's second thought, he made no delay, particularly because he had considerable money and numerous soldiers who had been sent on under his charge, but he immediately assumed the name of Caesar, succeeded to his estate, and began to busy himself with the situation. [-4-] At the time he seemed to some to have acted recklessly and daringly in this, but later as a result of his good fortune and the successes he achieved he acquired a reputation for bravery. In many instances in history men who were wrong in undertaking some project have been famed for wisdom because they proved fortunate in it: others who used the best possible judgment have had to stand a charge of folly because they did not attain their ends. He, too, acted in a blundering and dangerous way; he was only just past boyhood,—eighteen years of age,—and saw that the succession to the inheritance and the family was sure to provoke jealousy and censure: yet he started in pursuit of objects that had led to Caesar's murder, and no punishment befell him, and he feared neither the assassins nor Lepidus and Antony. Yet he was not thought to have planned poorly, because he became successful. Heaven, however, indicated not obscurely all the upheaval that would result from it. As he was entering Rome a great variegated iris surrounded the whole sun.

[-5-] In this way he that was formerly called Octavius, but already at this time Caesar, and subsequently Augustus, took charge of affairs and settled them and brought them to a successful close more vigourously than any mature man, more prudently than any graybeard. First he entered the city as if for the sole purpose of succeeding to the inheritance, and as a private citizen with only a few attendants, without any ostentation. Still later he did not utter any threat against any one nor show that he was displeased at what had occurred and would take vengeance for it. So far from demanding of Antony any of the money that he had previously plundered, he actually paid court to him although he was insulted and wronged by him. Among the other injuries that Antony did him by both word and deed was his action when the lex curiata was proposed, according to which the transfer of Octavius into Caesar's family was to take place: Antony himself, of course, was active to have it passed, but through some tribunes he secured its postponement in order that the young man being not yet Caesar's child according to law might not meddle with the property and might be weaker in all other ways. [-6-] Caesar was restive under this treatment, but as he was unable to speak his mind freely he bore it until he had won over the crowd, by whose members he understood his father had been raised to honor. He knew that they were angry at the latter's death and hoped they would be enthusiastic over him as his son and perceived that they hated Antony on account of his having been master of the horse and also for his failure to punish the murderers. Hence he undertook to become tribune as a starting point for popular leadership and to secure the power that would result from it; and he accordingly became a candidate for the place of Cinna, which was vacant. Though hindered by Antony's clique he did not desist and after using persuasion upon Tiberius Cannutius, a tribune, he was by him brought before the populace. He took as an excuse the gift bequeathed by Caesar and in his speech touched upon all the important points, promising that he would discharge this debt at once, and gave them cause to hope for much besides. After this came the festival appointed in honor of the completion of the temple of Venus, which some, while Caesar was alive, had promised to celebrate, but were now holding in, slight regard as they did the horse-race connected with the Parilia;⁶ and to win the favor of the populace he provided for it at his private expense on the ground that it concerned him because of his family. At this time out of fear of Antony he brought into the theatre neither Caesar's gilded chair nor his crown set with precious stones, though it was permitted by decree. [-7-] When, however, a certain star through all those days appeared in the north toward evening, some called it a comet, and said that it indicated the usual occurrences; but the majority, instead of believing this, ascribed it to Caesar, interpreting it to mean that he had become a god and had been included in the number of the stars. Then Octavius took courage and set up in the temple of Venus a bronze statue of him with a star above his head. Through fear of the populace no one prevented this, and then, at last, some of the earlier decrees in regard to honors to Caesar were put into effect. They called one of the months July after him and in the course of certain triumphal religious festivals they sacrificed during one special day in memory of his name. For these reasons the soldiers also, and particularly since some of them received largesses of money, readily took the side of Caesar.

Rumors accordingly went abroad, and it seemed likely that something unusual would take place. This idea gained most headway for the reason that when Octavius was somewhat anxious to show himself in court in an elevated and conspicuous place, as he had been wont to do in his father's lifetime, Antony would not allow it, but had his lictors drag him down and drive him out. [-8-] All were exceedingly vexed, and especially because Caesar with a view to casting odium upon his rival and arousing the multitude would no longer even frequent the Forum. So Antony became terrified, and in conversation with the bystanders one day remarked that he harbored no anger against Caesar, but on the contrary owed him affection, and felt inclined to dispel the entire cloud of suspicion. The statement was reported to the other, they held a conference, and some thought they had become reconciled. As a fact they understood each other's dispositions accurately, and, thinking it inopportune at that time to put them to the test, they came to terms by making a few mutual concessions. For some days they were quiet; then they began to suspect each other afresh as a result of either some really hostile action or some false report of hostility,—as regularly happens under such conditions,—and were again at variance. When men become reconciled after a great enmity they are suspicious of many acts that contain no malice and of many chance occurrences. In brief, they regard everything, in the light of their former hostility, as done on purpose and for an evil end. While they are in this condition those who stand on neutral ground aggravate the trouble, irritating them still more by bearing reports to and fro under the pretence of devotion. There is a very large element which is anxious to see all those who have power at variance with one another,—an element which consequently takes delight in their enmity and joins in plots against them. And the party which has previously suffered from calumny is very easy to deceive with words adapted to the purpose by a band of friends whose attachment is not under suspicion. This also accounts for the fact that these men, who did not trust each other previously, became now even more estranged.

[-9-] Antony seeing that Caesar was gaining ground attempted to attract the populace by various baits, to see if he could detach the people from his rival and number them among his own forces. Hence through Lucius Antonius, his brother, who was tribune, he introduced a measure that considerable land be opened for settlement, among the parcels being the region of the Pontine marshes, which he stated had already been filled and were capable of cultivation. The three Antonii, who were brothers, all held office at the same time. Marcus was consul, Lucius tribune, and Gaius praetor. Therefore they could very easily remove those who were temporarily rulers of their allies and subjects (except the majority of the assassins and some others whom they regarded as loyal) and choose others in place of them: they could also grant some the right to hold office for an unusually long term, contrary to the laws established by Caesar. Also Macedonia, which fell to Marcus by lot, was appropriated by his brother Gaius, but Marcus himself with the legions previously despatched into Apollonia laid claim to Gaul on this side of the Alps, to which Decimus Brutus had been assigned; the reason was that it seemed to be very strong in resources of soldiers and money. After these measures had been passed the immunity granted to Sextus Pompey by Caesar, as to all the rest, was confirmed: he had already considerable influence. It was further resolved that whatever moneys of silver or gold the public treasury had taken from his ancestral estate should be restored. As for the lands belonging to it Antony held the most of them and made no restoration.

[-10-] This was the business in which they were engaged. But I shall now go on to describe how Sextus had fared. When he had fled from Corduba, he first came to Lacetania and concealed himself there. He was pursued, to be sure, but eluded discovery through the fact that the natives were kindly disposed to him out of regard for his father's memory. Later, when Caesar had started for Italy and only a small army was left behind in Baetica, he was joined both by the native inhabitants and by those who escaped from the battle, and with them he came again into Baetica, because he thought it more suitable for the carrying on of war. There he gained possession of soldiers and cities, particularly after Caesar's death, some voluntarily and some by violence; the commandant in charge of them, Gaius Asinius Pollio, held a force that was far from strong. He next set out against Spanish Carthage, but since in his absence Pollio made an attack and did some damage, he returned with a large force, met his opponent, and routed him. After that the following accident enabled him to startle and conquer the rest, as well, who were contending fiercely. Pollio had cast off his general's cloak, in order to suffer less chance of detection in his flight, and another man of the same name, a brilliant horseman, had fallen. The soldiers, hearing the name of the latter, who was lying there, and seeing the garment which had been captured, were deceived, and thinking that their general had perished surrendered. In this way Sextus conquered and held possession of nearly that entire region. When he was now a powerful factor, Lepidus arrived to govern the adjoining portion of Spain, and persuaded him to enter into an agreement on condition that he should recover his father's estate. Antony, influenced by his friendship for Lepidus and by his hostility toward Caesar, caused such a decree to be passed.

So Sextus, in this way and on these conditions, held aloof from Spain proper. [-11-] Caesar and Antony in all their acts opposed each other, but had not fallen out openly, and whereas in reality they were alienated they tried to disguise the fact so far as appearances went. As a result all other interests in the city were in a most undecided state and condition of turmoil. People were still at peace and yet already at war. Liberty led but a shadow existence, and the deeds done were the deeds of royalty. To a casual observer Antony, since he held the consulship, seemed to be getting the best of it, but the enthusiasm of the masses was for Caesar. This was partly on his father's account, partly on account of the hopes he held out to them, but above all because they were displeased at the considerable power of Antony and were inclined to assist Caesar while he was yet devoid of strength. Neither man had their affection, but they were always eager for a change of administration, and it was their nature to try to overthrow every superior force and to help any party that was being oppressed. Consequently they made use of the two to suit their own desires. After they had at this period humbled Antony through the instrumentality of Caesar they next undertook to destroy the latter also. Their irritation toward the men temporarily in power and their liking for the weaker side made them attempt to overthrow the former. Later they became estranged from the weaker also. Thus they showed dislike for each of them in turn and the same men experienced their affection and their hatred, their support and their active opposition.

[-12-] While they were maintaining the above attitude toward Caesar and Antony, the war began as follows. Antony had set out for Brundusium to meet the soldiers who had crossed over from Macedonia. Caesar sent some persons to that city with money, who were to arrive there before Antony and win over the men, and himself went to Campania, where he collected a large crowd of men, chiefly from Capua because the people there had received their land and city from his father, whom he said he was avenging. He made them many promises and gave them on the spot five hundred denarii apiece. These men usually constituted the corps of evocati, whom one might term in Greek "the recalled", because having ended their service they have been recalled to it again. Caesar took charge of them, hastened to Rome before Antony could make his way back, and came before the people, who had been made ready for him by Cannutius. There he called to their minds in detail all the excellent works his father had done, made a considerable, though moderate, defence of himself, and brought accusations against Antony. He also praised the soldiers who had accompanied him, saying that they were present voluntarily to lend aid to the city, that they had elected him to preside over the State and that through his mouth they made known these facts to all. For this speech he received the approbation of his following and of the throng that stood by, after which he departed for Etruria with a view to obtaining an accession to his forces from that country.

[-13-] While he was doing this Antony had been at first kindly received in Brundusium by the soldiers, because they expected they would secure more from him than was offered them by Caesar. This belief was based on the idea that he had possession of much more than his rival. When, however, he promised to give each of them a hundred denarii, they raised an outcry, but he reduced them to submission by ordering centurions as well as others to be slain before the eyes of himself and his wife. For the time being the soldiers were quiet, but on the way toward Gaul when they arrived opposite the capital they revolted, and many of them, despising the lieutenants that had been set over them, arrayed themselves on Caesar's side. The so-called Martian and the fourth legion went over to him in a body. He took charge of them and won their attachment by giving money to all alike,—an act which added many more to his troops. He also captured all the elephants of Antony, by confronting the train suddenly as they were being conducted along. Antony stopped in Rome only long enough to arrange a few affairs and to bind by oath all the rest of the soldiers and the senators who were in their company; then he set out for Gaul, fearing that that country too might indulge in an uprising. Caesar without delay followed behind him.

[-14-] Decimus Brutus was at this time governor of that province, and Antony set great hopes upon him, because he had been a slayer of Caesar. But it turned out as follows. Decimus did not look askance particularly at Caesar, for the latter had uttered no threats against the assassins: on the other hand, he saw that Antony was no more formidable a foe than his rival, or, indeed, than himself or any of the rest who were in power as a result of natural acquisitiveness; therefore he refused to give ground before him. Caesar, when he heard this decision, was for some time at a loss what course to adopt. The young man hated both Decimus and Antony but saw no way in which he could contend against them both at once. He was by no means yet a match for either one of the two, and he was further afraid that if he risked such a move he should throw them into each other's arms and face the united opposition of the two. After stopping to reflect that the struggle with Antony was already begun and was urgent, but that it was not yet a fitting season for taking vengeance for his father, he decided to make a friend of Decimus. He understood well that he should find no great difficulty in fighting against the latter, if with his aid he could first overcome his adversaries, but that Antony would be a powerful antagonist on any subsequent occasion. So much did they differ from each other. [-15-] Accordingly he sent a messenger to Decimus, proposing friendship and promising alliance, if he would refuse to receive Antony. This proposal caused the people in the city likewise to join in expressing their gratitude to Caesar. Just at this time the year was drawing to a close and no consul was on the ground, Dolabella having been previously sent by Antony to Syria. Eulogies, however, were delivered in the senate by the members themselves and by the soldiers who had abandoned Antony,—with the concurrence also of the tribunes. When they entered upon the new year they decided, in order that they might discuss freely existing conditions, to employ a guard of soldiers at their meetings. This pleased nearly all who were in Rome at the time,—for they cordially detested Antony,—but particularly Cicero. He, on account of his bitter and long-standing hostility toward the man, paid court to Caesar, and so far as he could, by speech and action, strove to assist him in every way and to injure Antony. It was for this reason that, when he had left the city to escort his son to Athens for the benefit of his education, he had returned on ascertaining that the two were publicly estranged.

[-16-] Besides these events which took place that year Servilius Isauricus died at a very advanced age. I have mentioned him both for that fact and to show how the Romans of that period respected men who were prominent through merit and hated those who behaved insolently, even on the very slightest grounds. This Servilius while walking had once met on the road a man on horseback, who so far from dismounting on his approach spurned him violently aside. Later he recognized the fellow in a defendant of a case in court, and when he mentioned the affair to the judge, they paid no further attention to the man's plea, but unanimously condemned him.

[B.C. 43 (a u. 711)]

[-17-] In the consulship of Aldus Hirtius (who was now appointed consul in spite of the fact that his father's name had been posted on the tablets of Sulla), with his colleague Gaius Vibius, a meeting of the senate was held and votes were taken for three successive days, including the first of the month itself. As a result of the war which was upon them and the portents, very numerous and extremely unfavorable, which took place, they were so excited that they failed to pass over these dies nefasti on which they ought not to deliberate on any matter touching their interests. Ominous had been the falling of great numbers of thunderbolts, some of which descended on the shrine sacred to Capitoline Jupiter, that stood in the temple of Victory. Also a great wind arose which snapped and scattered the columns erected about the temple of Saturn and the shrine of Fides, and likewise knocked down and shattered the statue of Minerva the Protectress, which Cicero had set up on the Capitol before his exile. This portended, of course, the death of Cicero himself. Another thing that frightened the rest of the population was a great earthquake which occurred, and the fact that a bull which was sacrificed on account of it in the temple of Vesta leaped up after the ceremony. In addition to these clear indications of danger a flash darted across from the place of the rising sun to the place of its setting and a new star was seen for several days. Then the light of the sun seemed to be diminished and even extinguished, and at times to appear in three circles, one of which was surmounted by a fiery crown of sheaves. This, if anything, proved as clear a sign as possible to them. For three men were in power,—I mean Caesar and Lepidus and Antony,—and of them Caesar subsequently secured the victory. At the same time that these things occurred all sorts of oracles tending to the downfall of the democracy were recited. Crows, moreover, flew into the temple of the Dioscuri and pecked out the names of the consuls and of Antony and of Dolabella, which were inscribed there somewhere on a tablet. And by night dogs in large numbers gathered throughout the city and especially near the house of the high priest, Lepidus, and set up howls. Again, the Po, which had flooded a large portion of the surrounding territory, suddenly receded and left behind on the dry land a vast number of snakes. Countless fish were cast up from the sea on the shore near the mouth of the Tiber. Succeeding these terrors a plague spread over nearly the whole of Italy in a malignant form, and in view of this the senate voted that the Curia Hostilia⁷ should be rebuilt and the spot where the naval battle had taken place be filled up. However, the curse did not appear disposed to rest even at this point, especially when during Vibius's conduct of the initial sacrifices on the first of the month one of his lictors suddenly fell down and died. Because of these events many men in the course of those days took one side or the other in their speeches and advice, and among the deliverances was the following, of Cicero:—[-18-] "You have heard recently, Conscript Fathers, when I made a statement to you about the matter, why I made preparations for my departure as if I were going to be absent from the city a very long time and then returned rapidly with the idea that I could benefit you greatly. I would not endure an existence under a sovereignty or a tyranny, since under such forms of government I can not enjoy the rights of free⁸ citizenship nor speak my mind safely nor die in a way that is of service to you; and again, if opportunity is afforded to obey any of duty's calls, I would not shrink from action, though it involved danger. I deem it the task of an upright man equally to keep watch over himself for his country's interests (guarding himself that he may not perish uselessly), and in this course of action not to fail to say or do whatever is requisite, even if it be necessary to suffer some harm in preserving his native land.

[-19-] "These assumptions granted, a large degree of safety was afforded by Caesar both to you and to me for the discussion of pressing questions. And since you have further voted to assemble under guard, we must frame all our words and behavior this day in such a fashion as to establish the present state of affairs and provide for the future, that we may not again be compelled to decide in a similar way about it. That our condition is difficult and dangerous and requires much care and attention you yourselves have made evident, if in no other way, at least by this measure. For you would not have voted to keep the senate-house under guard, if it had been possible for you to deliberate at all with your accustomed orderliness, and in quiet, free from fear. It is necessary for us even on account of the presence of the soldiers to accomplish some measure of importance, that we may not incur the disgrace that would certainly follow from asking for them as if we feared somebody, and then neglecting affairs as if we were liable to no danger. We shall appear to have acquired them only nominally in behalf of the city against Antony, but to have given them in reality to him against our own selves, and it will look as if in addition to the other legions which he gathers against his country he needed to acquire these very men and so prevent your passing any vote against him even to-day.

[-20-] "Yet some have attained such a height of shamelessness as to dare to say that he is not warring against the State and have credited you with so great folly as to think that they will persuade you to attend to their words rather than to his acts. But who would choose to desist from regarding his performances and the campaign which he has made against our allies without any orders from the senate or the people, the countries which he is overrunning, the cities which he is besieging, and the hopes upon which he is building in his entire course,—who would distrust, I say, the evidence of his own eyes, and to his ruin yield credence to the words of these men and their false statements, by which they put you off with pretexts and excuses?

[-42-] "But I return to the point that he has none of the qualities of a great general or such as to bring victory, and does not possess many or formidable forces. The majority of the soldiers and the best ones have abandoned him to his fate, and also, by Jupiter, he has been deprived of the elephants. The remainder have perfected themselves rather in outraging and pillaging the possessions of the allies than in waging war, A proof of the sort of spirit that animates them lies in the fact that they still adhere to him, and of their lack of fortitude in that they have not taken Mutina, though they have now been besieging it for so long a time. Such is the condition of Antony and of his followers found to be. But Caesar and Brutus and those arrayed with them are firmly intrenched without outside aid; Caesar, in fact, has won over many of his rival's soldiers, and Brutus is keeping the same usurper out of Gaul: and if you come to their assistance, first by approving what they have done of their own motion, next by ratifying their acts, at the same time giving them legal authority for the future, and next by sending out both the consuls to take charge of the war, it is not possible that any of his present associates will continue to aid him. However, even if they should cling to him most tenaciously, they would not he able to resist all the rest at once, but he will either lay down his arms voluntarily, as soon as he ascertains that you have passed this vote, and place himself in your hands, or he will be captured involuntarily as the result of one battle.

"I give you this advice, and, if it had been my lot to be consul, I should have certainly carried it out, as I did in former days when I defended you against Catiline and Lentulus (a relative of this very man), who had formed a conspiracy. [-43-] Perhaps some one of you regards these statements as well put, but thinks we ought first to despatch envoys to him, then, after learning his decision, in case he will voluntarily give up his arms and submit himself to you, to take no action, but if he sticks to the same principles, then to declare war upon him: this is the advice which I hear some persons wish to give you. This policy is very attractive in theory, but in fact it is disgraceful and dangerous to the city. Is it not disgraceful that you should employ heralds and embassies to citizens? With foreign nations it is proper and necessary to treat by heralds in advance, but upon citizens who are at all guilty you should inflict punishment straightway, by trying them in court if you can get them under the power of your votes, and by warring against them if you find them in arms. All such are slaves of you and of the people and of the laws, whether they wish it or not; and it is not fitting either to coddle them or to put them on an equal footing with the highest class of free persons, but to pursue and chastise them like runaway servants, with a feeling of your own superiority. [-44-] Is it not a disgrace that he should not delay to wrong us, but we delay to defend ourselves? Or again, that he should for a long time, weapons in hand, have been carrying on the entire practice of war, while we waste time in decrees and embassies, and that we should retaliate only with letters and phrases upon the man whom we have long since discovered by his deeds to be a wrongdoer? What do we expect? That he will some day render us obedience and pay us respect? How can this prove true of a man who has come into such a condition that he would not be able, even should he wish it, to be an ordinary citizen with you under a democratic government? If he were willing to conduct his life on fair and equitable principles, he would never have entered in the first place upon such a career as his: and if he had done it under the influence of folly or recklessness, he would certainly have given it up speedily of his own accord. As the case stands, since he has once overstepped the limits imposed by the laws and the government and has acquired some power and authority by this action, it is not conceivable that he would change of his own free will or heed any one of our resolutions, but it is absolutely requisite that such a man should be chastised with those very weapons with which he has dared to wrong us. [-45-] And I beg you now to remember particularly a sentence which this man himself once uttered, that it is impossible for you to be saved, unless you conquer. Hence those who bid you send envoys are doing nothing else than planning how you may be dilatory and the body of your allies become as a consequence more feeble and dispirited; while he, on the other hand, will be doing whatever he pleases, will destroy Decimus, storm Mutina, and capture all of Gaul: the result will be that we can no longer find means to deal with him, but shall be under the necessity of trembling before him, paying court to him, worshiping him. This one thing more about the embassy and I am done:—that Antony also gave you no account of what business he had in hand, because he intended that you should do this.

"I, therefore, for these and all other reasons advise you not to delay nor to lose time, but to make war upon him as quickly as possible. You must reflect that the majority of enterprises owe their success rather to an opportune occasion than to their strength; and you should by all means feel perfectly sure that I would never give up peace if it were really peace, in the midst of which I have most influence and have acquired wealth and reputation, nor have urged you to make war, did I not think it to your advantage.

[-46-] And I advise you, Calenus, and the rest who are of the same mind as you, to be quiet and allow the senate to vote the requisite measures and not for the sake of your private good-will toward Antony recklessly betray the common interests of all of us. Indeed, I am of the opinion, Conscript Fathers, that if you heed my counsel I may enjoy in your company and with thorough satisfaction freedom and preservation, but that if you vote anything different, I shall choose to die rather than to live. I have, in general, never been afraid of death as a consequence of my outspokenness, and now I fear it least of all. That accounts, indeed, for my overwhelming success, the proof of which lies in the fact that you decreed a sacrifice and festival in memory of the deeds done in my consulship,—an honor which had never before been granted to any one, even to one who had achieved some great end in war. Death, if it befell me, would not be at all unseasonable, especially when you consider that my consulship was so many years ago; yet remember that in that very consulship I uttered the same sentiment, to make you feel that in any and all business I despised death. To dread any one, however, that was against you, and in your company to be a slave to any one would prove exceedingly unseasonable to me. Wherefore I deem this last to be the ruin and destruction not only of the body, but of the soul and reputation, by which we become in a certain sense immortal. But to die speaking and acting in your behalf I regard as equivalent to immortality.

[-47-] "And if Antony, also, felt the force of this, he would never have entered upon such a career, but would have even preferred to die like his grandfather rather than to behave like Cinna who killed him. For, putting aside other considerations, Cinna was in turn slain not long afterward for this and the other sins that he had committed; so that I am surprised also at this feature in Antony's conduct, that, imitating his works as he does, he shows no fear of some day falling a victim to a similar disaster: the murdered man, however, left behind to this very descendant the reputation of greatness. But the latter has no longer any claim to be saved on account of his relatives, since he has neither emulated his grandfather nor inherited his father's property. Who is unaware of the fact that in restoring many who were exiled in Caesar's time and later, in accordance forsooth with directions in his patron's papers, he did not aid his uncle, but brought back his fellow-gambler Lenticulus, who was exiled for his unprincipal life, and cherishes Bambalio, who is notorious for his very name, while he has treated his nearest relatives as I have described and as if he were half angry at them because he was born into that family. Consequently he never inherited his father's goods, but has been the heir of very many others, some whom he never saw or heard of, and others who are still living. That is, he has so stripped and despoiled them that they differ in no way from dead men."

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
46

The following is contained in the Forty-sixth of Dio's Rome:

How Calenus replied to Cicero in defence of Antony (chapters 1-28).

How Antony was defeated at Mutina by Caesar and the consuls (chapters 29-38).

How Caesar came to Rome and was appointed consul (chapters 39-49).

How Caesar, Antony, and Lepidus formed a solemn pact of union (chapters 50-56).

Duration of time one year, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated:

C. Vibius C. filius Pansa Capronianus, Aulus Hirtius Auli filius (B.C. 43 = a. u. 711).

(BOOK 46, BOISSAVAIN)

[B.C. 43 (a. u. 711) ]

[-1-] When Cicero had finished speaking in this vein, Quintus Fufius Calenus arose and said:—"Ordinarily I should not have wished either to say anything in defence of Antony or to assail Cicero. I really do not think it proper in such discussions as is the present to do either of these things, but simply to make known what one's opinion is. The former method belongs to the courtroom, whereas this is a matter of deliberation. Since, however, he has undertaken to speak ill of Antony on account of the enmity that exists between them, instead of sending him a summons, as he ought, if Antony were guilty of any wrong, and since he has further mentioned me in a calumnious fashion, as if he could not have exhibited his cleverness without heedlessly insulting one or two persons, it behooves me also to set aside the imputation against Antony and to bring counter-charges against the speaker. I would not have his innate impudence fail of a response nor let my silence aid him by incurring the suspicion of a guilty conscience; nor would I have you, deceived by what he said, come to a less worthy decision by accepting his private spleen against Antony in exchange for the common advantage. [-2-] He wishes to effect nothing else than that we should abandon looking out for the safest course for the commonwealth and fall into discord again. It is not the first time that he has done this, but from the outset, ever since he had to do with politics, he has been continually causing disturbance one way or the other.

"Is he not the one who embroiled Caesar with Pompey and prevented Pompey from becoming reconciled with Caesar? The one who persuaded you to pass that vote against Antony by which he irritated Caesar, and persuaded Pompey to leave Italy and transfer his quarters to Macedonìa? This proved the chief cause of all the evils which befell us subsequently. Is not he the one who killed Clodius by the hand of Milo, and slew Caesar by the hand of Brutus? The one who made Catiline hostile to us and despatched Lentulus without a trial? [-3-] Hence I should be very much surprised at you, seeing that you then changed your mind about his conduct just mentioned and made him pay the penalty for it, if you should now heed him again, when his talk and actions are similar. Do you not see, too, that after Caesar's death when our affairs were settled in a most tranquil way by Antony, as not even his accuser can deny, the latter left town because he deemed our life of harmony to be alien and dangerous to him? That when he perceived that turmoil had again arisen, he bade a long farewell to his son and to Athens, and returned? That he insults and abuses Antony, whom he was wont to say he loved, and coöperates with Caesar, whose father he killed? And if chance so favor, he will ere long attack Caesar also. For the fellow is naturally distrustful and turbulent and has no ballast in his soul, and he is always stirring things up and twisting about, turning more ways than the sea-passage to which he fled and got the title of deserter for it, asking all of you to take that man for friend or foe whom he bids.

[-4-] "For these reasons be on your guard against man. He is a juggler and imposter and grows rich and strong from the ills of others, blackmailing, dragging, tearing the innocent, as do dogs; but in the midst of public harmony he is embarrassed and withers away. It is not friendship or good-will among us that can support this kind of orator. From what other source do you think he has become rich or from what other source great? Certainly neither family nor wealth was bequeathed him by his father the fuller, who was always trading in grapes and olives, a man who was glad to make both ends meet by this and by his washing, and whose time was taken up every day and night with the vilest occupations. The son, having been brought up in them, not unnaturally tramples and dowses his superiors, using a species of abuse invented in the workshops and on the street corners.

[-5-] "Now being of such an origin yourself, and after growing up naked among your naked companions, picking up pig manure and sheep dung and human excrement, have you dared, O most accursed wretch, first to slander the youth of Antony who had the advantage of pedagogues and teachers as his rank demanded, and next to impugn him because in celebrating the Lupercalia, an ancestral festival, he came naked into the Forum? But I ask you, you that always used all the clothes of others on account of your father's business and were stripped by whoever met you and recognized them, what ought a man who was not only priest but also leader of his fellow priests to have done? Not to conduct the procession, not to celebrate the festival, not to sacrifice according to ancestral custom, not to appear naked, not to anoint himself? 'But it is not for that that I censure him,' he answers, 'but because he delivered a speech and that kind of speech naked in the Forum.' Of course this man has become acquainted in the fuller's shop with all minute matters of etiquette, that he should detect a real mistake and be able to rebuke it properly.

[-6-] "In regard to this matter I will say later all that needs to be said, but just now I want to ask the speaker a question or two. Is it not true that you for your part were nourished by the ills of others and educated in the misfortunes of your neighbors and for this reason are acquainted with no liberal branch of knowledge, that you have established a kind of association here and are always waiting, like the harlots, for a man who will give something, and that having many men in your pay to attract profit to you you pry into people's affairs to find out who has wronged (or seems to have wronged) whom, who hates whom, and who is plotting against whom? With these men you make common cause, and through these men you are supported, selling them the hopes that chance bestows, trading in the decisions of the jurors, deeming him alone a friend who gives more and more, and all those enemies who furnish you no business or employ some other advocate, while you pretend not even to know those who are already in your clutch and affect to be bored by them, but fawn upon and giggle at those just approaching, like the mistresses of inns?

[-7-] How much better it were that you too should have been born Bambalio,—if this Bambalio really exists,—than to have taken up such a livelihood, in which it is absolutely inevitable that you should either sell your speech in behalf of the innocent, or else preserve the guilty. Yet you can not do even this effectively, though you wasted three years in Athens. On what occasion? By what help? Why, you always come trembling up to court as if you were going to fight in armor and after speaking a few words in a low and half-dead voice you go away, not remembering a word of the speech you practiced at home before you came, and without finding anything to say on the spur of the moment. In making affirmations and promises you surpass all mankind in audacity, but in the contests themselves beyond uttering some words of abuse and defamation you are most weak and cowardly. Do you think any one is ignorant of the fact that you never delivered one of those wonderful speeches of yours that you have published, but wrote them all up afterward, like persons who form generals and masters-of-horse out of day? If you feel doubtful of this point, remember how you accused Verres,—though, to be sure, you only gave him an example of your father's trade, when you made water.

[-8-] "But I hesitate, for fear that in saying precisely what fits your case I may seem to be uttering words that are unfitting for myself. ¹⁴ This I will pass over; and further, by Jupiter, also the affairs of Gabinius, against whom, you prepared accusers and then pled his cause in such a way that he was condemned; and the pamphlets which you compose against your friends, in regard to which you feel yourself so guilty that you do not dare to make them public. Yet it is a most miserable and pitiable state to be in, not to be able to deny these charges which are the most disgraceful conceivable to admit. But I will leave these to one side and bring forward the rest. Well, though we did grant the trainer, as you say, two thousand plethra of the ager Leontinus, we still learned nothing adequate from it.¹⁵ But who should not admire your system of instruction? And what is it? You are ever jealous of your superiors, you always toady to the prominent man, you slander him who has attained distinction, you inform against the powerful and you hate equally all the excellent, and you pretend love only for those through whom you may do some mischief. This is why you are always inciting the younger against their elders and lead those who trust you even in the slightest into dangers, where you desert them. [-9-] A proof of this is, that you have never accomplished any achievement worthy of a distinguished man either in war or in peace. How many wars have we won under you as praetor and what kind of territory did we acquire with you as consul? Your private activity all these years has consisted in continually deceiving some of the foremost men and winning them to your side and managing everything you like, while publicly you have been shouting and bawling out at random those detestable phrases,—'I am the only one that loves you,' or, if it should so chance, 'And what's-his-name, all the rest, hate you,' and 'I alone am friendly to you, all the rest are engaged in plots,' and other such stuff by which you fill some with elation and conceit, only to betray them, and scare the rest so that you gain their attachment. If any service is rendered by any one whomsoever of the whole people, you lay claim to it and write your own name upon it, repeating: 'I moved it, I proposed it, it was through me that this was done so.' But if anything happens that ought not to have occurred, you take yourself out of the way and censure all the rest, saying: 'You see I wasn't praetor, you see I wasn't envoy, you see I wasn't consul.' And you abuse everybody everywhere all the time, setting more store by the influence which comes from appearing to speak your mind boldly than by saying what duty demands: and you exhibit no important quality of an orator. [-10-] What public advantage has been preserved or established by you? Who that was really harming the city have you indicted, and who that was really plotting against us have you brought to light? To neglect the other cases,—these very charges which you now bring against Antony are of such a nature and so many that no one could ever suffer any adequate penalty for them. Why, then, if you saw us being wronged by him at the start, as you assert, did you never attack or accuse him at the time, instead of telling us now all the transgressions he committed when tribune, all his irregularities when master of horse, all his villanies when consul? You might at once, at the time, in each specific instance, have inflicted the appropriate penalty upon him, if you had wanted to show yourself in very deed a patriot, and we could have imposed the punishment in security and safety during the course of the offences themselves. One of two conclusions is inevitable,—either that you believed this to be so at the time and renounced the idea of a struggle in our behalf, or else that you could not prove any of your charges and are now engaged in a reckless course of blackmail.

[-11-] "That this is so I will show you clearly, Conscript Fathers, by going over each point in detail. Antony did say some words during his tribuneship in Caesar's behalf: Cicero and some others spoke in behalf of Pompey. Why now does he accuse him of preferring one man's friendship, but acquit himself and the rest who warmly embraced the opposite cause? Antony, to be sure, hindered at that time some measures adverse to Caesar from being passed: and Cicero hindered practically everything that was known to be favorable to Caesar. 'But Antony obstructed,' he replies, 'the public judgment of the senate.' Well, now, in the first place, how could one man have had so much power? Second, if he had been condemned for this, as is said, how could he have escaped punishment? 'Oh, he fled, he fled to Caesar and got out of the way.' Of course you, Cicero, did not 'leave town' just now, but you fled, as in your former exile.¹⁶ Don't be so ready to apply your own shame to all of us. To flee is what you did, in fear of the court, and pronouncing condemnation on yourself beforehand. Yes, to be sure, an ordinance was passed for your recall; how and for what reasons I do not say, but at any rate it was passed, and you did not set foot in Italy before the recall was granted. But Antony both went away to Caesar to inform him what had been done and returned, without asking for any decree, and finally effected peace and friendship with him for all those that were found in Italy. And the rest, too, would have had a share in it, if they had not taken your advice and fled. [-12-] Now in view of those circumstances do you dare to say he led Caesar against his country and stirred up the civil war and became more than any one else responsible for the subsequent evils that befell us? Not so, but you, who gave Pompey legions that belonged to others and the command, and undertook to deprive Caesar even of those that had been given him: it was you, who agreed with Pompey and the consuls not to accept the offers made by Caesar, but to abandon the city and the whole of Italy: you, who did not see Caesar even when he entered Rome, but had run off to Pompey and into Macedonia. Not even to him, however, did you prove of any assistance, but you neglected what was going on, and then, when he met with misfortune, you abandoned him. Therefore you did not aid him at the outset on the ground that he had the juster cause, but after setting in motion the dispute and embroiling affairs you lay in wait at a safe distance for a favorable turn; you at once deserted the man who failed, as if that somehow proved him guilty, and went over to the victor, as if you deemed him more just. And in addition to your other defects you are so ungrateful that not only are you not satisfied to have been preserved by him, but you are actually displeased that you were not made master of the horse.

[-13-] "Then with this on your conscience do you dare to say that Antony ought not to have held the office of master of the horse for a year, and that Caesar ought not to have remained dictator for a year? But whether it was wise or necessary for these measures to be framed, at any rate they were both passed, and they suited us and the people. Censure these men, Cicero, if they have transgressed in any particular, but not, by Jupiter, those whom they have chosen to honor for showing themselves worthy of so great a reward. For if we were forced by the circumstances that then surrounded us to act in this way and contrary to good policy, why do you now lay this upon Antony's shoulders, and why did you not oppose it then if you were able? Because, by Jupiter, you were afraid. Then shall you, who were at that time silent, obtain pardon for your cowardice, and shall he, because he was preferred before you, submit to penalties for his excellence? Where did you learn that this was just, or where did you read that this was lawful?

[-14-] "'But he did not rightly use his position as master of horse.' Why? 'Because,' he answers, 'he bought Pompey's possessions.' How many others are there who purchased numberless articles, no one of whom is blamed? That was the purpose in confiscating certain articles and exposing them in the market and proclaiming them by the voice of the public crier, to have somebody buy them. 'But Pompey's goods ought not to have been sold.' Then it was we who erred and did wrong in confiscating them; or (to clear your skirts and ours) it was at least Caesar who acted irregularly, he who ordered this to be done: yet you did not censure him at all. I maintain that in this charge he is proven to be absolutely beside himself. He has brought against Antony two quite opposite accusations,—one, that after helping Caesar in very many ways and receiving in return vast gifts from him he was then required under compulsion to surrender the price of them, and the second, that he inherited naught from his father, spent all that he had like Charybdis (the speaker is always bringing in some comparison from Sicily, as if we had forgotten that he had been exiled there), and paid the price of all that he purchased.

[-15-] "So in these charges this remarkable orator is convicted of violently contradicting himself and, by Jupiter, again in the following statements. At one time he says that Antony took part in everything that was done by Caesar and by this means became more than any one else responsible for all our internal evils, and again he charges him with cowardice, reproaching him with not having shared in any other exploits than those performed in Thessaly. And he makes a complaint against him to the effect that he restored some of the exiles and finds fault with him because he did not secure the recall of his uncle; as if any one believes that he would not have restored him first of all, if he had been able to recall whomsoever he pleased, since there was no grievance on either side between them, as this speaker himself knows. Indeed, though he told many wretched lies about Antony, he did not dare to say anything of that kind. But he is utterly reckless about letting slip anything that comes to his tongue's end, as if it were mere breath.

[-16-] "Why should one follow this line of refutation further? Turning now to the fact that he goes about with such a tragic air, and has but this moment said in the course of his remarks that Antony rendered the sight of the master of the horse most oppressive by using everywhere and under all circumstances the sword, the purple, the lictors, and the soldiers at once, let him tell me clearly how and in what respect we have been wronged by this. He will have no statement to make; for if he had had, he would have sputtered it out before anything else. Quite the reverse of his charge is true. Those who were quarreling at that time and causing all the trouble were Trebellius and Dolabella: Antony did no wrong and was active in every way in our behalf, so much so that he was entrusted by us with guarding the city against those very men, and not only did this remarkable orator not oppose it (he was there) but even approved it. Else let him show what syllable he uttered on seeing the licentious and accursed fellow (to quote from his abuse), besides doing nothing that the occasion required, securing also so great authority from you. He will have nothing to show. So it looks as if not a word of what he now shouts aloud was ventured at that time by this great and patriotic orator, who is everywhere and always saying and repeating: 'I alone am contending for freedom, I alone speak freely for the democracy; I cannot be restrained by favor of friends or fear of enemies from looking out for your advantage; I, even if it should be my lot to die in speaking in your behalf, will perish very gladly.' And his silence was very natural, for it occurred to him to reflect that Antony possessed the lictors and the purple-bordered vesture in accordance with the customs of our ancestors in regard to masters of horse, and that he was using the sword and the soldiers perforce against the rebels. For what most excessive outrages would they not have committed but for his being hedged about with these protections, when some of them so despised him as it was?

[-17-] "That these and all his other acts were correct and most thoroughly in accord with Caesar's intention the facts themselves show. The rebellion went no further, and Antony, far from paying a penalty for his course, was subsequently appointed consul. Notice, I beg of you, how he administered this office of his. You will find, if you scrutinize the matter minutely, that its tenure proved of great value to the city. His traducer, knowing this, could not endure his jealousy but dared to slander him for those deeds which he would have longed to do himself. That is why he introduced the matter of his stripping and anointing and those ancient fables, not because there was any pertinence in them now, but in order to obscure by external noise his opponent's consummate skill and success. Yet this same Antony, O thou earth, and ye gods (I shall call louder than you and invoke them with greater justice), saw that the city was already in reality under a tyranny through the fact that all the legions obeyed Caesar and all the people together with the senate submitted to him to such an extent that they voted among other measures that he should be dictator for life and use the appurtenances of a king. Then he showed Caesar his error most convincingly and restrained him most prudently, until the latter, abashed and afraid, would not accept either the name of king or the diadem, which he had in mind to bestow upon himself even against our will. Any other man would have declared that he had been ordered to do it by his master, and putting forward the compulsion as an excuse would have obtained pardon for it,—yes, indeed, he would, when you think of what kind of votes we had passed at that time and what power the soldiers had secured. Antony, however, because he was thoroughly acquainted with Caesar's disposition and accurately aware of all he was preparing to do, by great good judgment succeeded in turning him aside from his course and retarding his ambitions. The proof of it is that afterward he no longer behaved in any way like a monarch, but mingled publicly and unprotected with us all; and that accounts most of all for the possibility of his meeting the fate that he did.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
47

The following is contained in the Forty-seventh of Dio's Rome:

How Caesar, Antony, and Lepidus came to Rome and instituted a reign of slaughter (chapters 1-19).

About Brutus and Cassius and what they did before the battle of Philippi (chapters 20-36).

How Brutus and Cassius were defeated by Caesar and perished (chapters 37-49).

Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Gaius Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, together with one additional year, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated:

M. Aemilius M.F. Lepidus cos. (II), L. Munatius L.F. Plancus. (B.C. 42 = a. u. 712.)

(BOOK 47, BOISSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 43 (a. u. 711)]

[-1-] After forming these compacts and taking mutual oaths they hastened to Rome under the assumption that they were all going to rule on equal terms, but each one had the intention of getting the entire power himself. Yet they had learned in advance very clearly before this, but most plainly at this time, what would be the future. In the case of Lepidus a serpent coiled about a centurion's sword and a wolf that entered his camp and his tent while he was eating dinner and knocked down the table indicated at once power and disappointment as a result of power: in that of Antony milk flowing about the ramparts and a kind of chant echoing about at night signified gladness of heart and destruction succeeding it. These portents befell them before they entered Italy. In Caesar's case at the very time after the covenant had been made an eagle settled upon his tent and killed two crows that attacked it and tried to pluck out its feathers,—a sign which granted him victory over his two rivals.

[-2-] So they came to Rome, first Caesar, then the others, each one separately, with all their soldiers, and immediately through the tribunes enacted such laws as pleased them. The orders they gave and force that they used thus acquired the name of law and furthermore brought them supplications; for they required to be besought earnestly when they were to pass any measures. Consequently sacrifices were voted for them as if for good fortune and the people changed their attire as if they had secured prosperity, although they were considerably terrified by the transactions and still more by omens. For the standards of the army guarding the city were covered with spiders, and weapons were seen reaching up from earth to heaven while a great din resounded from them, and in the shrines of Aesculapius bees gathered in numbers on the roof and crowds of vultures settled on the temple of the Genius Populi and on that of Concord. [-3-] And while these conditions still remained practically unchanged, those murders by proscription which Sulla had once caused were put into effect and the whole city was filled with corpses. Many were killed in their houses, many in the streets, and scattered about in the fora and near the temples: the heads of such were once more attached to the rostra and their trunks flung out to be devoured by the dogs and birds or cast into the river. Everything that had been done before in the days of Sulla found a counterpart at this time, except that only two white tablets were posted, one for the senators and one for the rest. The reason for this I have not been able to learn from any one else nor to find out myself. The cause which one might have imagined, that fewer were put to death, is least of all true: for many more names were listed, because there were more leaders concerned. In this respect, then, the case differed from the murders that had earlier taken place: but that the names of those prominent were not posted with the rabble, but separately, appeared very nonsensical to the men who were to be murdered in the same way. Besides this no few other very unpleasant conditions fell to their lot, although the former régime, one would have said, had left nothing to be surpassed. [-4-] But in Sulla's time those guilty of such murderous measures had some excuse in their very hardihood: they were trying the method for the first time, and not with set intentions; hence in most cases they behaved less maliciously, since they were acting not according to definite plans but as chance dictated. And the victims, succumbing to sudden and unheard of catastrophes, found some alleviation in the unexpectedness of their experience. At this time, on the other hand, they were executing in person or beholding or at least understanding thoroughly by fresh descriptions merely deeds that had been dared before; in the intervals, expecting a recurrence of similar acts, some were inventing various new methods to employ, and others were becoming afflicted by new fears that they too should suffer. The perpetrators resorted to most unusual devices in their emulation of the outrages of yore and their consequent eagerness to add, through the resources of art, novel features to their attempts. The others reflected on all that they might suffer and hence even before their bodies were harmed their spirits were thoroughly on the rack, as if they were already undergoing the trial. [-5-] Another reason for their faring worse on this occasion than before was that previously only Sulla's own enemies and the foes of the leaders associated with him were destroyed: among his friends and the people in general no one perished at his bidding; so that except the very wealthy,—and these can never be at peace with the stronger element at such a time,—the remainder took courage. In this second series of assassinations, however, not only the men's enemies or the rich were being killed, but also their best friends and quite without looking for it. On the whole it may be said that almost nobody had incurred the enmity of those men from any private cause that should account for his being slain by them. Politics and compromises regarding posts of authority had created both their friendships and their violent hatreds. All those that had aided or assisted one of the group in any way the others held in the light of an enemy. So it came about that the same persons had become friends to some one of them, and enemies to the entire body, so that while each was privately quelling his antagonists, they destroyed the dearest friends of all in general. In the course of their joint negotiations²⁶ they made a kind of account of who was on their side and who was opposed, and no one was allowed to take vengeance on one of his own enemies who was a friend of another without giving up some friend in his turn: and because of their anger over what was past and their suspicion of the future they cared nothing about the preservation of an associate in comparison with vengeance on an adversary, and so gave them up without much protest. [-6-] Thus they offered one another staunch friends for bitter enemies and implacable foes for close comrades; and sometimes they exchanged even numbers, at others several for one or fewer for more, altogether carrying on the transactions as if at a market, and overbidding one another as at an auction room. If some one was found just equivalent to another and the two were ranked alike, the exchange was a simple one; but all whose value was raised by some excellence or esteem or relationship could be despatched only in return for several. As there had been civil wars, lasting a long time and embracing many events, not a few men during the turmoil had come into collision with their nearest relatives. Indeed, Lucius Caesar, Antony's uncle, had become his enemy, and Lepidus's brother, Lucius Paulus, hostile to him. The lives of these were saved, but many of the rest were slaughtered even in the houses of their very friends and relatives, from whom they especially expected protection and honor. And in order that no person should feel less inclined to kill any one out of fear of being deprived of the rewards (remembering that in the time of Sulla Marcus Cato, who was quaestor, had demanded of some of the murderers all they had received for their work), they proclaimed that the name of no proscribed person should be registered in the public records. On this account they slew ordinary citizens more readily and made away with the prosperous, even though they had no dislike for a single one of them. For since they stood in need of vast sums of money and had no other source from which to satisfy the desire of their soldiers, they affected a kind of common enmity against the rich. Among the other transgressions they committed in the line of this policy was to declare a mere child of age, so that they might kill him as already exercising the privileges of a man.

[-7-] Most of this was done by Lepidus and Antony. They had been honored by the former Caesar for a very long time and as they had been in office and holding governorships most of the period they had many enemies. It appeared as if Caesar had a part in the business merely because of his sharing the authority, for he himself was not at all anxious to kill any large number. He was not naturally cruel and had been brought up in his father's ways. Moreover, as he was young and had just entered the political arena, there was no inevitable necessity for his bitterly hating many persons, and he wished to have people's affection. This is indicated by the fact that from the time he broke off his joint rulership with his colleagues and held the power alone he did nothing of the sort. And at this time he not only refrained from destroying many but preserved a large number. Those also who betrayed their masters or friends he treated most harshly and those who helped anybody most leniently. An instance of it occurs in the case of Tanusia, a woman of note. She concealed her husband Titus Vinius, who was proscribed, at first in a chest at the house of a freedman named Philopoemen²⁷ and so made it appear that he had been killed. Later she waited for a national festival, which a relative of hers was to direct, and through the influence of his sister Octavia brought it about that Caesar alone of the three entered the theatre. Then she sprang up and informed him of the deception, of which he was still ignorant, brought in the very chest and led from it her husband. Caesar, astonished, released all of them (death being the penalty also for such as concealed any one) and enrolled Philopoemen among the knights.

[-8-] He, then, saved the lives of as many as he could. Lepidus allowed his brother Paulus to escape to Miletus and toward others was not inexorable. But Antony killed savagely and relentlessly not only those whose names had been posted, but likewise those who had attempted to assist any of them. He had their heads in view when he happened to be eating and sated himself to the fullest extent on this most unholy and pitiable sight. Fulvia also put to death many herself both by reason of enmity and on account of their money, and some with whom her husband was not acquainted. When he saw the head of one man, he exclaimed: "I didn't know about him!" Cicero's head also being brought to them (he had been overtaken and slain while trying to flee), Antony uttered many bitter reproaches against him and then ordered it to be exposed on the rostra more prominently than the rest, in order that he might be seen in the place from which he used to be heard inveighing against him,—together with his right hand, just as it had been cut off. Before it was taken away Fulvia took it in her hands and after abusing it spitefully and spitting upon it, set it on her knees, opened the mouth, and pulled out the tongue, which she pierced with the brooches that she used for her hair, at the same time uttering many brutal jests. Yet even this pair saved some persons from whom they got more money than they could expect to obtain by their death. But in order that the places for their names on the tablets might not be empty, they inscribed others in their stead. Except that Antony did release his uncle at the earnest entreaty of his mother Julia he performed no other praiseworthy act.

[-9-] For these causes the murders had great variety of detail, and the rescues that fell to the lot of some were of many kinds. Numbers were ruined by their most intimate friends, and numbers were saved by their most inveterate foes. Some slew themselves and others were given freedom by the very pursuers, who approached as if to murder them. Some who betrayed masters or friends were punished and others were honored for this very reason: of those who helped others to survive some paid the penalty and others received rewards. Since there was not one man but three, who were acting in all cases each according to his own desire and for his private advantage, and since the same persons were not enemies or friends of the whole group, since, also, two of them might be anxious for some one to be saved whom the third wished to destroy, or for some one to perish whom the third wished to survive, many complicated situations resulted, according as they felt good-will or hatred toward any one. [-10-] I, accordingly, shall omit an accurate and detailed description of all the events,—it would be a vast undertaking and would not add much to the history,—but shall relate what I deem to be most worthy of remembrance. Here is one.

A slave had hidden his master in a cave, and then, when even so through another's information he was likely to perish, this slave changed clothes with him and wearing his master's apparel confronted the pursuers as the man himself and was slain. So they were turned aside, thinking they had despatched the desired man, but he when they had departed made his escape to some other place.

Or a second. Another slave had likewise changed his entire accoutrement with his master, and entered a covered litter which he made the other help to carry. When they were overtaken the one in the litter was killed without being even looked at, and the master, as a baggage-carrier, was saved. Those services were rendered by those servants to their benefactors in return for some kindness previously received.

There was also a branded runaway who so far from betraying the man who had branded him very willingly preserved him. He was detected in carrying him away and was being pursued, when he killed somebody who met him by chance and gave the latter's clothes to his master. Having then placed him upon a pyre he himself took his master's clothing and ring and going to meet the pursuers pretended that he had killed the man while fleeing. Because of his spoils and the marks of the branding he was believed and both saved the person in question and was himself honored.

The names connected with the above anecdotes have not been preserved. But in the case of Hosidius Greta his son arranged a funeral for him as though already dead and preserved him in that way. Quintus Cicero, the brother of Marcus, was secretly led away by his child and saved, so far as his rescuer's responsibility went. The boy concealed his father so well that he could not be discovered and when tormented for it by all kinds of torture did not utter a syllable. His father, learning what was being done, was filled at once with admiration and pity for the boy, and therefore came voluntarily to view and surrendered himself to the slayers.

[-11-] This gives an idea of the greatness of the manifest achievements of virtue and piety at the time. It was Popillius Laenas who killed Marcus Cicero, in spite of the latter's having done him favors as his advocate; and in order that he might depend not wholly on hearsay but also on the sense of sight to establish himself as the murderer of the orator, he set up an image of himself wearing a crown beside his victim's head, with an inscription that gave his name and the service rendered. By this act he pleased Antony so much that he secured more than the price offered. Marcus Terentius Varro was a man who had given no offence, but as his appellation was identical with that of one of the proscribed, except for one name, he was afraid that, this might lead him to suffer such a fate as did Cinna. Therefore he issued a statement making known this fact; he was tribune at the time. For this he became the subject of much idle amusement and laughter. The uncertainty of life, however, was evidenced by the very fact that Lucius Philuscius, who had previously been proscribed by Sulla and had escaped, had his name now inscribed again on the tablet and perished, whereas Marcus Valerius Messala, condemned to death by Antony, not only continued to live in safety but was later appointed consul in place of Antony himself. Thus many survive from inextricable difficulties and no fewer are ruined through a spirit of confidence. Hence a man ought not to be alarmed to the point of hopelessness by the calamities of the moment, nor to be elated to heedlessness by temporary exultation, but by placing his hope of the future half-way between both to make reliable calculations for either event. [-12-] This is the way it befell at that time: very many of those not proscribed were involved in the downfall of others on account of spite or money, and very many whose names were proclaimed not only survived but returned to their homes again, and some of them even held offices. They had a refuge, of course, with Brutus and Cassius and Sextus, and the majority directed their flight toward the last mentioned. He had been chosen formerly to command the fleet and had held sway for some time on the sea, so that he had surrounded himself with a force of his own, though he was afterward deprived of his office by Caesar. He had occupied Sicily, and then, when the order of proscription was passed against him, too, a host of assassinations took place, he aided greatly those who were in like condition. Anchoring near the coast of Italy he sent word to Rome and to the other cities offering among other things to those who saved anybody double the reward advertised for murdering the same and promising to the men themselves a reception and assistance and money and honors. [-13-] Therefore great numbers came to him. I have not even now recorded the precise total of those who were proscribed or slaughtered or who escaped, because many names originally inscribed on the tablets were erased and many were later inscribed in their place, and of these not a few were saved while many outside of these succumbed. It was not even allowed anybody to mourn for the victims, but several perished from this cause also. And finally, when the calamities broke through all the pretence they could assume and no one even of the most stout-hearted could any longer wear an air of indifference to them, but in all their work and conversation their countenances were overcast and they were not intending to celebrate the usual festival at the beginning of the year, they were ordered by a public notice to appear in good spirits, on pain of death if they should refuse to obey. So they were forced to rejoice over the common evils as over blessings. Yet why need I have mentioned it, when they voted to those men (the triumvirs, I mean) civic crowns and other distinctions as to benefactors and saviors of the State? They did not think of being held to blame because they were killing a few, but wished to receive additional praise for not putting more out of the way. And to the populace they once openly stated that they had emulated neither the cruelty of Marius and Sulla so as to incur hatred, nor the mildness of Caesar so as to be despised and as a result become objects of a conspiracy.

[-14-] Such were the conditions of the murders; but many other unusual proceedings took place in regard to the property of persons left alive. They actually announced, as if they were just and humane rulers, that they would give to the widows of the slain their dowries, to the male children a tenth, and to the female children a twentieth of the property of each one's father. This was not, however, granted save in a few cases: of the rest all the possessions without exception were ruthlessly plundered. In the first place they levied upon all the houses in the City and those in the rest of Italy a yearly rent, which was the entire amount from dwellings which people had let, and half from such as they occupied themselves, with reference to the value of the domicile. Again, from those who had lands they took away half of the proceeds. Besides, they had the soldiers get their support free from the cities in which they were wintering, and distributed them to various rural districts, pretending that they were sent to take charge of confiscated territory or that of persons who still opposed them. For this last class they had termed likewise enemies because they had not changed their attitude before the appointed day. So that the whole country outside the towns was also pillaged. The autocrats allowed the soldiers to do this to the end that, having their pay before the work, they might devote all their energy to their commanders' interests, and promised to give them cities and lands: And with this in view they further assigned to them persons to divide the land and settle them. The mass of the soldiers was made loyal by this course: of the more prominent they tempted some with the goods of those that had been despatched by lowering the price on certain articles and granting others to them free, and others they honored with the offices and priesthoods of the victims. The commanders, to make sure that they themselves should get the finest both of lands and buildings and give their followers what they pleased, gave notice that no one else should frequent the auction room unless he wanted to buy something: whoever did so should die. And they handled bona fide purchasers in such a way that the latter discovered nothing and paid the very highest price for what they wanted, and consequently had no desire to buy again.

[-15-] This was the course followed in regard to possessions. As to the offices and priesthoods of such as had been put to death they distributed them not in the fashion prescribed by law but however it suited them. Caesar resigned the office of consul, giving up willingly that which he had so desired as to make war for it, and his colleague gave up his place, whereupon they appointed Publius Ventidius, though praetor, and one other; and to the former's praetorship they promoted one of the aediles. Afterward they removed all the praetors (who held office five days longer than Ventidius) and sent them to be governors of the provinces, while they installed others in their places. Some laws were abolished and others introduced instead.

And, in brief, they ordered everything else just as seemed good to them. They did not, to be sure, lay claim to titles which were offensive and had been therefore done away with, but they managed matters according to their own wish and desire, so that Caesar's sovereignty by comparison appeared all gold.

[B.C. 42 (a. u. 712)]

In addition to transacting that year the business mentioned, they voted a temple to Serapis and Isis. [-16-] When Marcus Lepidus and Lucius Plancus became consuls tablets were again exposed, not bringing death to any one any longer, but defrauding the living of their property. They were collecting funds because they were in need of more money, due to the fact that they owed large sums to large numbers of soldiers, were expending considerable on works undertaken by the latter, and thought they should lay out far more still on wars in prospect. The fact that those taxes which had been formerly abrogated were now again put in force or established on a new basis, and the institution of joint contributions, many of which kept being levied on the land and on the servants, displeased people moderately, it can not be denied. But to have those who were in the slightest degree still prosperous, not only of the senators or knights but even among the freedmen, and men and women alike, bulletined on the tablets and another tenth of their wealth confiscated disturbed all beyond measure. For it was only nominally that a tenth of his property was exacted from each one: in reality not so much as a tenth was left. They were not ordered to contribute a stated amount according to the value of their possessions, but they had the duty of estimating their own goods and then, being accused of not having made a fair estimate, they lost the rest besides.

[-17-] If any still escaped this somehow, yet they were brought into straits by the assessments, and as they were terribly destitute of money they too were in a way deprived of everything. Moreover, the following device, distressing to hear but most distressing in practice, was put into operation. Whoever of them wished was allowed by abandoning his property afterward to make a requisition for one-third of it, which meant getting nothing and also having trouble. For when they were being openly and violently despoiled of two-thirds, how should they get back one-third, especially since goods were being sold for an infinitesimal price? In the first place, since many wares were being advertised for sale at once and the majority of men were without gold or silver, and the rest did not dare to buy because it would look as if they had something and they would place in jeopardy the remnant of their wealth, the prices were relaxed: in the second place, everything was sold to the soldiers far below its value. Hence no one of the private citizens saved anything worth mentioning. In addition to other drains they surrendered servants for the fleet, buying them if they had none, and the senators repaired the roads at their individual expense. Only those who wielded arms enjoyed superlative wealth. They, to be sure, were not satisfied with their pay, though it was in full, nor with their outside perquisites, though of vast extent, nor with the very large prizes bestowed for the murders, nor with the acquisition of lands, which was made almost without cost to them. But in addition some would ask for and receive all the property of the dying, and others still forced their way into the families of such as were old and childless. To such an extent were they filled with greed and shamelessness that one man asked from Caesar himself the property of Attia, Caesar's mother, who had died at the time and had been honored by a public burial.

[-18-] While these three men were behaving in this wise, they were also magnifying the former Caesar to the greatest degree. As they were all aiming at sole supremacy and were all striving for it, they vindictively pursued the remainder of the assassins, apparently in the idea that they were preparing from afar immunity for themselves in what they were doing, and safety; and everything which tended to his honor they readily took up, in expectation of some day being themselves deemed worthy of similar distinctions: for this reason they glorified him by the decrees which had been passed, and by others which they now added to them. On the first day of the year they themselves took an oath and made others swear that they would consider binding all his acts; this action is still taken in the case of all officials who successively hold power, or again of those who lived in his era, and have not been dishonored. They also laid the foundation of a hero-shrine in the Forum, on the spot where he had been burned, and escorted a kind of image of him at the horse-races together with a second statue of Venus. In case news of a victory came from anywhere they assigned the honor of a thanksgiving to the victor by himself and to Caesar, though dead, by himself. They compelled everybody to celebrate his birthday wearing laurel and in good spirits, passing a law that all others, neglected it, were accursed before Jupiter and before him while any senators or their sons should forfeit twenty-five myriads of denarii. Now it happened that the Ludi Apollinares fell on the same day, and they therefore voted that his natal feast should be held on the previous day,²⁸ because (they said) there was an oracle of the Sibyl forbidding a festival to be celebrated during that twenty-four hours to any god except Apollo. [-19-] Besides granting him these privileges they regarded the day on which he had been murdered (on which there was always a regular meeting of the senate) as a dies nefas. The room in which he had been murdered they closed immediately and later transformed it into a privy. They also built the Curia Julia, called after him, next to the so-named Comitium, as had been voted. Besides, they forbade any likeness of him, because he was in very truth a god, to be carried at the funerals of his relatives, which ancient custom was still being observed. And they enacted that no one who took refuge in his shrine to secure immunity should be banished or stripped of his goods,—a right given to no one of the gods even, save to such as had a place in the days of Romulus. Yet after men began to gather there the place had inviolability in name without its effects; for it was so fenced about that no one at all could any longer enter it.

In addition to those gifts to Caesar they allowed the vestal virgins to employ one lictor each, because one of them had been insulted, owing to not being recognized, while returning home from dinner toward evening. The offices in the City they assigned for a greater number of years in advance, thus at the same time giving honor through the expected offices to those fitted for them and retaining a grasp on affairs for a longer time by means of those who were to hold sway.

[-20-] When this had been accomplished, Lepidus remained there, as I have said, to take up the administration of the City and of the rest of Italy, and Caesar and Antony started on their campaign. Brutus and Cassius had at first, after the compact made by them with Antony and the rest, gone into the Forum and discharged the activities of praetorship with the same diligence as before.

[B.C. 44 (a. u. 710)]

But when some began to be displeased at the killing of Caesar, they withdrew, pretending to be in haste to reach the governorships abroad to which they had been appointed. Cassius, who was praetor urbanus,²⁹ had not yet finished his duties in connection with the Ludi Apollinares. However, though absent he accomplished that task most brilliantly through the medium of his fellow-praetor Antony, and did not himself sail away from Italy at once, but lingered with Brutus in Campania, to watch the course of events. And in their capacity as praetors they sent a certain number of letters to Rome to the people, until such time as Caesar Octavianus began to aspire to public position and to win the affections of the populace. Then, in despair of the republic and fear of him, they set sail. The Athenians gave them a splendid reception; for though they were indeed honored by nearly everybody else for what they had done, the inhabitants of this city voted them bronze images beside that of Harmodius and that of Aristogeiton, as having emulated them. [-21-] Meanwhile, learning that Caesar was making progress they neglected the Cretans and Bithynians, to whom they were directing their course, for among them they saw no aid forthcoming worthy the name: but they turned to Syria and to Macedonia, which did not, to be sure, appertain to them in the least, because they were teeming with money and troops for the occasion. Cassius proceeded to the Syrian country, because its inhabitants were acquainted with him and friendly as a result of his campaign with Crassus, while Brutus united Greece and Macedonia. The inhabitants would have followed him anywhere because of the glory of his deeds and in the hope of similar achievements, and they were further influenced by the fact that he had acquired numerous soldiers, some survivors of the battle of Pharsalus, who were still at this time wandering about in that region, and others who either by reason of disease or because of want of discipline had been left behind from the contingent that took the field with Dolabella. Money came to him, too, from Trebonius in Asia. So without the least effort, perhaps because it contained no force worth mentioning, he by this means gained the country of Greece. He reached Macedonia at the time that Gaius Antonius had just arrived and Quintus Hortensius, who had governed it previously, was about to lay down his office. However, he experienced no trouble. The departing official embraced his cause at once, and Antonius was weak, being hindered by Caesar's supremacy in Rome from performing any of the duties belonging to his office. The neighboring territory of Illyricum was governed by Vatinius, who came thence to Dyrrachium and occupied it in advance. He was a political adversary of Brutus, but could not injure him at all, for his soldiers, who disliked him and furthermore despised him by reason of a disease, went over to the other side.

[-41-] To that party these signs brought evil, while the others, so far as we know, were visited by no omen, but saw some such, visions as the following in dreams. A Thessalian dreamed that the former Caesar had bidden him tell Caesar that the battle would occur on the second day after that one, and that he should resume some of the insignia which his predecessor wore while dictator: Caesar therefore immediately put his father's ring on his finger and wore it often afterward. That was the vision which that man saw, whereas the physician who attended Caesar thought that Minerva enjoined him to lead his patient, though still in poor health, from his tent and place him in line of battle: and by this act he was saved. In most cases safety is the lot of such as remain in the camp and of those in the fortifications, while danger accompanies those who proceed into the midst of weapons and battles; but this was reversed in the case of Caesar. It was quite visibly the result of his leaving the rampart and mingling with the fighting men that he survived, although from sickness he stood with difficulty even without his arms.

[-42-] The engagement was of the following nature. No arrangement had been made as to when they should enter battle, yet as if by some compact they all armed themselves at dawn, advanced into the square intervening between them quite leisurely, as though they were competitors in games, and there were quietly marshaled. When they stood opposed advice was given partly to the entire bodies and partly to individuals of both forces by the generals and lieutenants and subalterns. They made many suggestions touching the immediate danger and many adapted to the future, words such as men would speak who were to encounter danger on the moment and were endeavoring to anticipate troubles to come. For the most part the speeches were very similar, inasmuch as on both sides alike there were Romans together with allies. Still, there was a difference. The officers of Brutus offered their men the prizes of liberty and democracy, of freedom from tyrants and freedom from masters; they pointed out to them the excellencies of equality in government, and all the unfairness of monarchy that they themselves had experienced or had heard in other cases; they called to the attention of the soldiers the separate details of each system and besought them to strive for the one, and to take care not to endure the other. The opposing officers urged their army to take vengeance on the assassins, to possess the property of their antagonists, to be filled with a desire to rule all of their race, and (the clause which inspired them most) they promised to give them five thousand denarii apiece. [-43-] Thereupon they first sent around their watchwords,—the followers of Brutus using "Liberty," and the others whatever happened to be given out,—and then one trumpeter on each side sounded the first note, followed by the blare of the remainder. Those in front sounded the "at rest" and the "ready" signal on their trumpets in a kind of circular spot, and then the rest came in who were to rouse the spirit of the soldier and incite them to the onset. Then there was suddenly a great silence, and after waiting a little the leaders issued a clear command and the lines on both sides joined in a shout. After that with a yell the heavy-armed dashed their spears against their shields and hurled the former at each other, while the slingers and the archers sent their stones and missiles. Then the two bodies of cavalry trotted forward and the contingents shielded with breastplates following behind joined in hand to hand combat. [-44-] They did a great deal of pushing and a great deal of stabbing, looking carefully at first to see how they should wound others and not be wounded themselves; they desired both to kill their antagonists and to save themselves. Later, when their charge grew fiercer and their spirit flamed up, they rushed together without stopping to consider, and paid no more attention to their own safety, but would even sacrifice themselves in their eagerness to destroy their adversaries. Some threw away their shields and seizing hold of those arrayed opposite them either strangled³⁶ them in their helmets and struck them from the rear, or snatched away their defence in front and delivered a stroke on their breasts. Others took hold of their swords and then ran their own into the bodies of the men opposite, who had been made as good as unarmed. And some by exposing some part of their bodies to be wounded could use the rest more readily. Some clutched each other in an embrace that prevented the possibility of striking, but they perished in the intertwining of swords and bodies. Some died of one blow, others of many, and neither had any perception of their wounds, dying too soon to feel pain, nor lamented their taking off, because they did not reach the point of expressing grief. One who killed another thought in the excessive joy of the moment that he could never die. Whoever fell lost consciousness and had no knowledge of his state. [-45-] Both sides remained stubbornly in their places and neither side retired or pursued, but there, just as they were, they wounded and were wounded, slew and were slain, until late in the day. And if all had contested with all, as may happen under such circumstances, or if Brutus had been arrayed against Antony and Cassius against Caesar, they would have proved equally matched. As it was, Brutus forced the invalid Caesar from his path, while Antony overruled Cassius, who was by no means his equal in warfare. At this juncture, because not all were conquering the other side at once, but both parties were in turn defeated and victorious, the results³⁷ were practically the same. Both had conquered and had been defeated, each had routed their adversaries and had been routed, pursuits and flights had fallen to the lot of both alike and the camps on both sides had been captured. As they were many they occupied a large expanse of plain, so that they could not see each other distinctly. In the battle each one could recognize only what was opposite him, and when the rout took place each side fled the opposite way to its own fortifications, situated at a distance from each other, without stopping to look back. Because of this fact and of the immeasurable quantity of dust that rose they were ignorant of the termination of the battle, and those who had conquered thought they had been victorious over everything, and those who were defeated deemed they had been worsted everywhere. They did not learn what had happened until the ramparts had been laid in ruins, and the victors on each side on retiring to their own head-quarters encountered each other.

[-46-] So far, then, as the battle was concerned, both sides both conquered thus and were defeated. At this time they did not resume the conflict, but as soon as they had retired and beheld each other and recognized what had taken place, they both withdrew, not venturing anything further. They had beaten and had proved inferior to each other. This was shown first by the fact that the entire ramparts of Caesar and Antony and everything within them had been captured. (That proved practically the truth of the dream, for if Caesar had remained in his place, he would certainly have perished with the rest.) It was shown again in the fate of Cassius. He came away safe from the battle, but stripped of his fortifications he had fled to a different spot, and suspecting that Brutus, too, had been defeated and that several of the victors were hastening to attack him he made haste to die. He had sent a certain centurion to view the situation and report to him where Brutus was and what he was doing. This man fell in with some horsemen whom Brutus had dispatched to seek his colleague, turned back with them and proceeded leisurely, with the idea that there was hurry, because no danger presented itself. Cassius, seeing them afar off, suspected they were enemies and ordered Pindarus, a freedman, to kill him. The centurion on learning that his leader's death was due to his dilatoriness slew himself upon his body.

[-47-] Brutus immediately sent the body of Cassius secretly to Thasos. He shrank from burying it upon the ground, for fear the army would be filled with grief and dejection at sight of the preparations. The remainder of his friend's soldiers he took under his charge, consoled them in a speech, won their devotion by a gift of money to make up for what they had lost, and then transferred his position to their enclosure, which was more suitable. From there he started out to harass his opponents in various ways, especially by assaulting their camp at night. He had no intention of joining issue with them again in a set battle, but had great hopes of overcoming them without danger by the lapse of time. Hence he tried regularly to startle them in various ways and disturb them by night, and once by diverting the course of the river he washed away considerable of their wall. Caesar and Antony were getting short of both food and money, and consequently gave their soldiers nothing to replace what had been seized and carried off. Furthermore, the force that was sailing to them in transports from Brundusium had been destroyed by Staius. Yet they could not safely transfer their position to any other quarter nor return to Italy, and so, even as late as this, they set all their hopes upon their weapons,—hopes not merely of victory but even of preservation. They were eager to meet the danger before the naval disaster became noised abroad among their opponents and their own men. [-48-] As Brutus evinced an unwillingness to meet them in open fight, they somehow cast pamphlets over his palisade, challenging his soldiers either to embrace their cause (promises being attached) or to come into conflict if they had the least particle of strength. During this delay some of the Celtic force deserted from their side to Brutus, and Amyntas, the general of Deiotarus, and Rhascuporis deserted to them. The latter, as some say, immediately returned home. Brutus was afraid, when this happened, that there might be further similar rebellion and decided to join issue with them. And since there were many captives in his camp, and he neither had any way to guard them during the progress of the battle, and could not trust them to refrain from doing mischief, he despatched the majority of them, contrary to his own inclination, being a slave in this matter to necessity; but he was the more ready to do it because of the fact that his opponents had killed such of his soldiers as had been taken alive. After doing this he armed his men for battle. When the opposing ranks were arrayed, two eagles that flew above the heads of the two armies battled together and indicated to the combatants the outcome of the war. The eagle on the side of Brutus was beaten and fled: and similarly his heavy-armed force, after a contest for the most part even, was defeated, and then when many had fallen his cavalry, though it fought nobly, gave way. Thereupon the victors pursued them, as they fled, this way and that, but neither killed nor captured any one; and then they kept watch of the separate contingents during the night and did not allow them to unite again.

[-49-] Brutus, who had reached in flight a steep and lofty spot, undertook to break through in some way to the camp. In this he was unsuccessful, and on learning that some of his soldiers had made terms with the victors he had no further hope, but despairing of safety and disdaining capture he himself also took refuge in death. He uttered aloud this sentence of Heracles:

 
"Unhappy Virtue, thou wert but a name, while I,
Deeming thy godhead real, followed thee on,
Who wert but Fortune's slave."³⁸
 

Then he called one of the bystanders to kill him. His body received burial by Antony,—all but his head, which was sent to Rome: but as the ships encountered a storm during the voyage across from Dyrrachium that was thrown into the sea. At his death the mass of his soldiers, on amnesty being proclaimed for them, immediately transferred their allegiance. Portia perished by swallowing red-hot charcoal. Most of the prominent men who had held any offices or belonged to the assassins or the proscribed, straightway killed themselves, or, like Favonius, were captured and destroyed: the remainder at this time escaped to the sea and thereafter joined Sextus.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
48

The following is contained in the Forty-eighth of Dio's Rome:

How Caesar contended with Fulvia and Lucius Antonius (chapters 1-16).

How Sextus Pompey occupied Sicily (chapters 17-23).

How the Parthians occupied the country to the edge of the Hellespont (chapters 24-26).

How Caesar and Antony reached an agreement with Sextus (chapters 27-38).

How Publius Ventidius conquered the Parthians and recovered Asia (chapters 39-42).

How Caesar began to make war upon Sextus (chapters 43-48).

About Baiae (chapters 49-54).

Duration of time five years, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated:

L. Antonius M. F. Pietas, P. Servilius P. F. Isauricus consul (II).(B.C. 41 = a. u. 713.)

Cn. Domitius M. F Calvinus [consul] (II), C. Asinius|| Cn. F. Pollio.

(B.C. 40 = a. u. 714.)

L. Marcius L. F. Censorinus, C. Calvisius||³⁹ C. F. Sabinus. (B.C. 39 = a. u. 715.)

Appius Claudius C. F. Pulcher, C. Norbanus C. F. Flaccus. (B.C. 38 = a. u. 716.)

M. Vipsanius L. F. Agrippa, L. Caninius L. F. Gallus. (B.C. 37 = a. u. 717.)

(BOOK 48, BOISSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 42(a. u.712)]

[-1-] So perished Brutus and Cassius, slain by the swords with which they had despatched Caesar. The rest also who had shared in the plot against him were all except a very few destroyed, some previously, some at this time, and some subsequently. Justice and the Divine Will seemed to sweep onward and lead forward to such a fate the men who had killed their benefactor, one who had attained such eminence in both excellence and good fortune. Caesar and Antony for the moment secured an advantage over Lepidus, because he had not shared the victory with them; yet they were destined ere long to turn their arms against each other. It is a difficult matter for three men or two that are equal in rank and have come into power over such vast interests as a result of war to be of one accord. Hence, whatever they had gained for a time while in harmony for the purpose of the overthrow of their adversaries they now began to set up as prizes in their rivalry with each other. They immediately redistributed the empire, so that Spain and Numidia fell to Caesar, Gaul and Africa to Antony; they further agreed that in case Lepidus showed any vexation at this Africa should be evacuated for him. [-2-] This was all they could allot between them, since Sextus was still occupying Sardinia and Sicily, and other regions outside of Italy were in a state of turmoil. About the peninsula itself I need say nothing, for it has always remained a kind of choice exception in such divisions: and not even now did they talk as if they were struggling to obtain it, but to defend it. So, leaving these other regions to be common property, Antony took it upon himself to settle affairs of nations that had fought against them and to collect the money which had been offered to the soldiers in advance: Caesar was charged with curtailing the power of Lepidus, if he should make any hostile move, with conducting the war against Sextus, and with assigning to those of his campaigners who had passed the age limit the land which he had promised them; and these he forthwith dismissed. Furthermore he sent with Antony two legions of his followers, and his colleague sent word that he would give him in return an equal number of those stationed at that tune in Italy. After making these compacts separately, putting them in writing, and sealing them, they exchanged the documents, to the end that if any transgression were committed, it might be proved from the very records. Thereupon Antony set out for Asia and Caesar for Italy. [-3-] Sickness attacked the latter violently on the journey and during the voyage, giving rise in Rome to an expectation of his death. They did not believe, however, that he was lingering so much by reason of ill health as because he was devising some harm, and consequently they expected to fall victims to every possible persecution. Yet they voted to these men many honors for their victory, such as would have been given assuredly to the others, had they conquered; in such crises it is ever the case that all trample on the loser and honor the victor; and in particular they decided, though against their will, to celebrate thanksgivings during practically the entire year. This Caesar ordered them outright to do in gratitude for vengeance upon the assassins. At any rate during his delay all sorts of stories were current, and all sorts of behavior resulted. For example, some spread a report that he was dead, and aroused delight in many breasts: others said he was planning some evil, and filled numerous persons with fear. Therefore some hid their property and took care to protect themselves, and others considered in what way they might make their escape. Others, and the majority, not being able to apprehend anything clearly by reason of their excessive fear, prepared to meet a certain doom. The confident element was extremely small, and its numbers few. In the light of the former frequent and diverse destruction of both persons and possessions they expected that anything similar or still worse might happen, because now they had been utterly vanquished. Wherefore Caesar, in dread that they might take some rebellious step, especially since Lepidus was there, forwarded a letter to the senate urging its members to be of good cheer, and further promising that he would do everything in a mild and humane way, after the manner of his father.

[B.C. 41 (a. u.713)]

[-4-] This was what then took place. The succeeding year Publius Servilius and Lucius Antonius nominally became consuls, but in reality it was the latter and Fulvia. She, the mother-in-law of Caesar and wife of Antony, had no respect for Lepidus because of his slothfulness, and herself managed affairs, so that neither the senate nor the people dared transact any business contrary to her pleasure. Actually, when Lucius himself was anxious to have a triumph over certain peoples dwelling in the Alps, on the ground that he had conquered them, for a time Fulvia opposed him and no one would grant it; but when her favor was courted and she permitted it, all voted for the measure: therefore it was nominally Antonius … over the people whom he said he had vanquished (in reality he had done nothing deserving a triumph nor had any command at all in those regions),—but in truth Fulvia …⁴⁰ and had the procession. And she assumed a far prouder bearing over the affair than did he, because she had a truer cause; to give any one authority to hold a triumph was greater than to celebrate it by securing the privilege from another. Except that Lucius donned the triumphal apparel, mounted the chariot, and performed the other rites customary in such cases, Fulvia herself seemed to be giving the spectacle, employing him as her assistant. It took place on the first day of the year, and Lucius, just as Marius had done, exulted in the circumstance that he held it on the first day of the month that he began to be consul. Moreover he exalted himself even above his predecessor, saying that he had voluntarily laid aside the decorations of the procession and had assembled the senate in his street dress, whereas Marius had done it unwillingly. He added that the latter had received a crown from almost nobody, whereas he obtained many, and particularly from the people, tribe by tribe, as had never been the case with any former triumphator. (It was done by the aid of Fulvia and by the money which he had secretly given some persons to spend.)

[-5-] It was in this year that Caesar arrived in Rome, and, after taking the usual steps to celebrate the victory, turned his attention to the administration and despatch of business. For Lepidus through fear of him and out of his general weakness of heart had not rebelled; and Lucius and Fulvia, on the supposition that they were relatives and sharers in his supremacy were quiet,—at least at first. As time went on they became at variance, the persons just mentioned because they did not get a share in the portion of lands to be assigned which belonged to Antony, and Caesar because he did not get back his troops from the other two. Hence their kinship by marriage was dissolved and they were brought to open warfare. Caesar would not endure the domineering ways of his mother-in-law, and, choosing to appear to be at odds with her rather than with Antonius, sent back her daughter, whom he declared on oath to be still a virgin. In pursuing such a course he was careless whether it should be thought that the woman had remained a virgin in his house so long a time for common-place reasons, or whether it should seem that he had planned the situation considerably in advance, as a measure of preparation for the future. After this action there was no longer any friendship between them. Lucius together with Fulvia attempted to get control of affairs, pretending to be doing this in behalf of Marcus, and would yield to Caesar on no point: therefore on account of his devotion to his brother he took the additional title of Pietas. Caesar naturally found no fault with Marcus, not wishing to alienate him while he was attending to the nations in Asia, but reproached and resisted the pair, giving out that they were behaving in all respects contrary to their brother's desire and were eager for individual supremacy.

[-6-] In the land allotments both placed the greatest hope of power, and consequently the beginning of their quarrel was concerned with them. Caesar for his part wished to distribute the territory to all such as had made the campaign with himself and Antony, according to the compact made with them after the victory, that by so doing he might win their good-will: the others demanded to receive the assignment that appertained to their party and settle the cities themselves, in order that they might get the power of these settlements on their side. It seemed to both to be the simplest method to grant the land of the unarmed to those who had participated in the conflict. Contrary to their expectation great disturbance resulted and the matter took the aspect of a war. For at first Caesar was for taking from the possessors and giving to the veterans all of Italy (except what some old campaigner had received as a gift or bought from the government and was now holding), together with the bands of slaves and other wealth. The persons deprived of their property were terribly enraged against him, and caused a change of policy. Fulvia and the consul now hoped to find more power in the cause of the others, the oppressed, and consequently neglected those who were to receive the fields, but turned their attention to that party which was of greater numbers and was animated by a righteous indignation at the deprivation they were suffering. Next they took some of them individually, aided and united them, so that the men who were before afraid of Caesar now that they had got leaders became courageous and no longer gave up any of their property: they thought that Marcus, too, would approve their course. [-7-] Among these, therefore, Lucius and Fulvia secured a following, and still made no assault upon the adherents of Caesar. Their attitude was not that there was no need for the soldiers to receive allotments, but they maintained that the goods of their adversaries in the combat were sufficient for them; especially they pointed out lands and furniture, some still being held intact, others that had been sold, of which they declared the former ought to be given to the men outright and in the second case the price realized should be presented to them. If even this did not satisfy them, they tried to secure the affection of them all by holding out hopes in Asia. In this way it quickly came about that Caesar, who had forcibly robbed the possessors of any property and caused troubles and dangers on account of it to all alike, found himself disliked by both parties; whereas the other two, since they took nothing from anybody and showed those who were to receive the gifts a way to the fulfillment of the pledges from already existing assets and without a combat, won over each of the bodies of men. As a result of this and through the famine which was trying them greatly at this time, because the sea off Sicily was in control of Sextus, and the Ionian Gulf was in the grasp of Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Caesar found himself in a considerable dilemma. For Domitius was one of the assassins, and, having escaped from the battle fought at Philippi, he had got together a small fleet, had made himself for a time master of the Gulf, and was doing the greatest damage to the cause of his opponents.

[-8-] There was not only this to trouble Caesar greatly but also the fact that in the disputes which had been inaugurated between the ex-soldiers and the senators as well as the rest of the multitude that possessed lands,—and these proved very numerous because the contestants were struggling for the greatest interests,—he could not attach himself to either side without danger. It was impossible for him to please both. The one side wished to run riot, the other to be unharmed: the one side to get the other's property, the other to hold what belonged to it. As often as he gave the preference to the interests of this party or that, according as he found it necessary, he incurred the hatred of the others: and he did not meet with so much gratitude for the favors he conferred as with anger for what he failed to yield. Those benefited took all that was given them as their due and regarded it as no kindness, and the opposite party was wrathful because robbed of their own belongings. And as a result he continued to offend either this group or the other, at one time reproached with being a friend of the people and again with being a friend of the army. He could make no headway, and further learned by actual experience that arms had no power to hold those injured friendly toward him, and that it was possible for all such as would not submit to perish by the use of weapons, but out of the question for any one to be forced to love a person whom he will not. After this, though reluctantly, he stopped taking anything from the senators; previously he used to deem it his right to distribute everything that was theirs, asking seriously: "From what source else shall we pay the prizes of war to those who have served?"—as if any one had commanded him to wage war or to make such great promises. He also kept his hands off the valuables,—whatever costly objects women had for dowries, or others had less in value than the land individually given to the old soldiers. [-9-] When this was done the senate and the rest, finding nothing taken from them, became fairly resigned to his rule, but the veterans were indignant, regarding his sparingness and the honor shown to the others to be their own dishonor and loss, since they were to receive less. They killed not a few of the centurions and the other intimates of Caesar who tried to restrain them from mutiny, and came very near compassing their leader's own destruction, using every plausible excuse possible for their anger. They did not cease their irritation till the land that belonged to their relatives and the fathers and sons of those fallen in battle but was held by somebody else was granted to these three classes freely. This measure caused the soldier element to become somewhat more conciliatory, but that very thing produced vexation again among the people. The two used to come in conflict and there was continual fighting amongst them, so that many were wounded and killed on both sides alike. The one party was superior by being equipped with weapons and having experience in wars, and the other by its numbers and the ability to pelt opponents from the roofs. Owing to this a number of houses were burned down, and to those dwelling in the city rent was entirely remitted to the extent of five hundred denarii, while for those in the rest of Italy it was reduced a fourth for one year. For they used to fight in all the cities alike, wherever they fell in with each other.

[-10-] When this took place constantly and soldiers sent ahead by Caesar into Spain made a kind of uprising at Placentia and did not come to order until they received money from the people there, and they were furthermore hindered from crossing the Alps by Calenus and Ventidius, who held Farther Gaul, Caesar became afraid that he might meet with some disaster and began to wish to be reconciled with Fulvia and the consul. He could not accomplish anything by sending messages personally and with only his own authorization, and so went to the veterans and through them attempted to negotiate a settlement. Elated at this they took charge of those who had lost their land, and Lucius went about in every direction uniting them and detaching them from Caesar, while Fulvia occupied Praeneste, had senators and knights for her associates, and was wont to conduct all her deliberations with their help, even sending orders to whatever points required it. Why should any one be surprised at this, when she was girt with a sword, and used to pass the watchwords to the soldiers, yes, often harangued them,—an additional means of giving offence to Caesar? [-11-] The latter, however, had no way to overthrow them, being far inferior to them not only in troops, but in good-will on the part of the population; for he caused many distress, whereas they filled every one with hope. He had often privately through friends proposed reconciliation to them, and when he accomplished nothing, he sent envoys from the number of the veterans to them. He expected by this stroke pretty surely to obtain his request, to adjust present difficulties, and to gain a strength equal to theirs for the future. And even though he should fail of these aims, he expected that not he but they would bear the responsibility for their quarrel. This actually took place. When he effected nothing even through the soldiers, he despatched senators, showing them the covenants made between himself and Antony, and offering the envoys as arbitrators of the differences. But his opponents in the first place made many counter-propositions, demands with which Caesar was sure not to comply, and again, in respect to everything that they did said they were doing it by the orders of Mark Antony. So that when nothing was gained in this way either, he betook himself once more to the veterans. [-12-] Thereupon these assembled in Rome in great numbers, with the avowed intention of making some communication to the people and the senate. But instead of troubling themselves about this errand they collected on the Capitol and commanded that the compacts which Antony and Caesar made be read to them. They ratified these agreements and voted that they should be made arbitrators of the differences existing. After recording these acts on tablets and sealing them they delivered them to the vestal virgins to keep. To Caesar, who was present, and to the other party by an embassy they gave orders to meet for adjudication at Gabii on a stated day. Caesar showed his readiness to submit to arbitration, and the others promised to put in an appearance, but out of fear or else perhaps disdain did not come. (For they were wont to make fun of the warriors, calling them among other names senatus caligatus on account of their use of military boots.) So they condemned Lucius and Fulvia as guilty of some injustice, and gave precedence to the cause of Caesar. After this, when the latter's adversaries had deliberated again and again, they took up the war once more and did not make ready for it in any quiet fashion. Chief among their measures was to secure money from sources, even from temples. They took away all the votive offerings that could be turned into bullion, those deposited in Rome itself as well as those in the rest of Italy that was under their control. Both money and soldiers came to them also from Gallia Togata, which had been included by this time in the domain of Italy, to the end that no one else, under the plea that it was a single district, should keep soldiers south of the Alps.

This year and the following he spent on the construction of ships and the gathering and training of rowers.

[B.C. 37 (a. u. 717)]

He himself oversaw and arranged these details and all other matters in Italy and in Gaul (where there was a slight uprising). To Agrippa he entrusted the equipment of the boats. He sent for this man, who was fighting against the revolted Gauls, at the time when he had been the second of the Romans to cross the Rhine for purposes of warfare, and he honored him by bestowing a triumph and bidding him to secure the building and training of the fleet. Agrippa,—he was consul with Lucius Gallus,—would not hold the triumph, deeming it disgraceful for him to exalt himself when Caesar had fared poorly, but set to work heart and soul to fit out the fleet. All along the coasts of Italy vessels were taking shape; but since no shore was found safe for them to ride at anchor,—the majority of the coast land being still in those days without harbors,—he conceived and executed a magnificent enterprise which I shall describe at some length, showing its nature and the present characteristics of the locality where it took place.

[-50-] At Cyme in Campania, between Misenum and Puteoli, there is a crescent-shaped spot. It is shut in by small hills, bare except in a few places, and the sea there forms a kind of triple bay. The first is outside and near the cities; the second is separated from it by a small passage; and the third, like a real harbor, is seen far back. The last named is called Avernus, and the middle bay Lucrinus: the outer one belongs to the Tyrrhenian Sea and takes its name from that water. In this roadstead within the other two, which had but narrow entrances then, Agrippa, by cutting channels close along the shore through the land separating Lucrinus from the sea on each side, produced harbors affording most safe anchorage for ships. While the men were working a certain image situated above Avernus, either of Calypso to whom this place, whither they say Odysseus also sailed, is devoted, or to some other heroine, was covered with sweat like a human body. [-51-] Now what this imported I cannot say; but I will go on to tell of everything else worth reporting which I saw in that place. These mountains close to the inner bodies of water have springs full of both fire and water in considerable quantity mixed together. Neither of the two elements is anywhere to be found by itself (that is, neither pure fire or cold water alone is to be seen) but from their association the water is heated and the fire moistened. The former on its way down the foothills to the sea runs into reservoirs and the inhabitants conduct the steam from it through pipes into rooms set up high, where they use the steam for vapor baths. The higher it ascends from the earth and from the water, the dryer it becomes. Costly apparatus has been installed for turning both the fire and the vapor to practical use; and they are very well suited for employment in the conduct of daily life and also for effecting cures.

Now besides these products that mountain makes an earth, the peculiar nature of which I am going to describe. Since the fire has not the power of burning (for by its union with, the water all its blazing qualities are extinguished) but is still able to separate and melt the substances with which it comes in contact, it follows that the oily part of the earth is melted by it, whereas the hard and what I might call the bony part of it is left as it was. Hence the masses of earth necessarily become porous and when exposed to the dry air crumble into dust, but when they are placed in a swirl of water and sand grow into a solid piece; as much of them as is in the liquid hardens and petrifies. The reason for this is that the brittle element in them is disintegrated and broken up by the fire, which possesses, the same nature, but by the admixture of dampness is chilled, and so, being compressed all over, through and through, becomes indissoluble. Such is Baiae, where Agrippa as soon as he had constructed the entrances collected ships and rowers, of which he fortified the former with armor and trained the latter to row on wooden benches.

[-52-] Now the population of Rome was being disturbed by signs. Among the various pieces of news brought to them was one to the effect that many dolphins battled with one another and perished near Aspis, the African city. And in the vicinity of the City blood descended from heaven and was smeared all about by the birds. When at the Ludi Romani not one of the senators was entertained on the Capitol, as had been the custom, they took this, too, as a portent. Again, the incident that happened to Livia caused her pleasure, but inspired the rest with terror. A white bird carrying a sprig of fruited laurel had been thrown by an eagle into her lap. As this seemed to be a sign of no small importance, she took care of the bird and planted the laurel. The latter took root and grew, so that it amply supplied those who were afterward to celebrate triumphs; and Livia was destined to hold Caesar's power in a fold of her robe and to dominate him in everything.

[-53-] The rest, however, in the City had their peace of mind thoroughly shattered by this and the differences between officials. Not only the consuls and praetors but even the quaestors were arrayed against one another, and this lasted for some time. The reason was that all were anxious not so much to hold office a longer time at home as to be counted among the ex-officials and secure the outward honors and influence that belonged to that class. They were no longer chosen for any specified time, but took just long enough to enter upon the title of the office and resign, whenever it so seemed good to those in power. Many did both on the same day. Some actually had to abandon hope of offices through poverty, and in this I am not speaking of those then supporting Sextus, who had been disenfranchised as if by some principle of right. But we have the case of a certain Marcus Oppius who through lack of means desired to resign the aedileship,—both he and his father had been among the proscribed,—and the populace would not permit it, but contributed money for his various necessities of life and the expenses of his office. And the story goes that some criminals, too, really came into the theatre in masks as if they were actors and left their money there with the rest. So this man was loved by the multitude while in life and at his death not long after was carried to the Campus Martius and there burned and buried. The senate was indignant at the utter devotion of the masses to him and took up his bones, on the plea that it was impious for them to lie in that consecrated spot; they were persuaded by the pontifices to make this declaration although they buried many other men there both before and after.

[-54-] At this same period Antony came into Italy again from Syria. The reason he gave was that he intended to bear his share of the war against Sextus because of Caesar's mishaps; he did not, however, stay by his colleague, but, having come to spy upon his actions rather than to accomplish anything, he gave him some ships and promised to send others, in return for which he received heavy-armed infantry and set sail himself, stating that he was going to conduct a campaign against the Parthians. Before he departed they presented to each other their mutual grievances, at first through friends and then personally. As they had no leisure for war together they became reconciled in a way, chiefly through the instrumentality of Octavia. In order that they might be bound by still more ties of relationship Caesar betrothed his daughter to Antyllis, Antony's son, and Antony betrothed to Domitius, though he had been an assassin of Caesar and had been proscribed to die, his own daughter, borne to him by Octavia. This was all mutual pretence. They had no intention of carrying out any of these unions, but were acting a part in view of the needs of the existing situation. Furthermore Antony sent Octavia herself at once from Corcyra to Italy, that she might not share his danger while he was warring against the Parthians. Besides the above negotiations at that time they removed Sextus from his priesthood as well as from the consulship to which he had been appointed, and granted themselves chief authority for another five years, since the first period had elapsed. After this Antony hastened to Syria and Caesar gave his attention to the war. Nearly everything went as he wished, but Menas, who was naturally untrustworthy and always followed the fortunes of the stronger, and was further vexed because he held no office but had been made a subordinate of Sabinus, deserted again to Sextus.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
49

The following is contained in the Forty-ninth of Dio's Rome.

How Caesar conquered Sextus and overthrew Lepidus (chapters 1-18).

How Ventidius conquered and slew Pacorus and expelled the Parthians, driving them across the Euphrates (chapters 19-21).

How Antony was defeated by the Parthians (chapters 22-33).

How Caesar subjugated the Pannonians (chapters 34-38).

How Antony by guile captured Artavasdes, the king of Armenia (chapters 39-41).

How the Portico of Paulus was consecrated (chapter 42).

How Mauritania Caesariensis became Roman property (chapters 43, 44).

Duration of time four years, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated.

L. Gellius L. F. Poplicola, M. Cocceius Nerva. (B.C. 36 = a. u. 718.)

L. Cornificius L. F., Sextusi Pompeius Sexti F. (B.C. 35 = a. u. 719.)

M. Antonius M. F. (II), L. Scribonius L. F. Libo. (B.C. 34 = a. u. 720.)

Caesar (II), L. Volcacius L. F. Tullus. (B.C. 33 = a. u. 721.)

(BOOK 49, BOISSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 36 (a. u. 718)]

[-1-] This happened in the winter when Lucius Gellius and Cocceius Nerva became consuls. Caesar, when his fleet had been made ready and spring set in, started from Baise and coasted along Italy, having great hopes of encompassing Sicily on all sides. For he was sailing thither with many ships and those of Antony were already in the strait. Also Lepidus, though reluctantly, had promised to assist him. His greatest ground of confidence lay in the height of the vessels and the thickness of the timbers. They had been built unusually stout and unusually high so as to carry the largest number of marines possible; indeed, they were surmounted by towers, in order that the conflict might be waged from a higher point, as if from a wall: they were further intended to resist the rammings of antagonists and to bend aside their beaks by making the collision more violent. With such calculations Caesar was hastening to Sicily. As he was passing the promontory of Palinurus, so-called, a great storm fell upon him. This destroyed many ships, and Menas coming upon the rest in confusion burned a number and towed away the rest. And had he not again changed sides on the promise of immunity and through some other hopes, besides betraying the whole fleet that he commanded by receiving some triremes that simulated desertion, Caesar's voyage to Sicily on this occasion also would have proved fruitless. Menas's action was due to the fact that he was not allowed by Sextus to fight against Lepidus and was under suspicion in nearly every way. Caesar was then extremely glad to receive him, but trusted him no longer. He first repaired the damaged ships, freed the slaves that served on the triremes, and assigned the spare seamen, (many of whom when their vessels were destroyed in the wreck had dived and escaped by swimming) to Antony's fleet, which was short of men. Then he came to Lipara, and leaving there Agrippa and the ships, returned to the mainland with the intention of transporting the infantry across into Sicily, when an opportunity should arise.

[-2-] On learning this Sextus himself lay quietly at anchor off Messana, watching for his attempt to cross, and ordered Demochares to anchor opposite Agrippa at Mylae. This pair spent most of the time in testing each other's strength according as each one would temporarily give way a little; yet they did not dare to risk an engagement with their entire armaments. They were not acquainted with each other's forces and on both sides they figured everything about their opponents as being greater and more terrible than the reality. Finally Agrippa comprehended that it was not advantageous for him to delay,—for the adherents of Sextus, occupying a friendly position, had no need to hurry,—and taking the best of his ships set out for Mylae to spy out the numbers of the enemy. As he could not see them all and no one of them manifested any inclination to come out into the open sea, he despised them, and on his return made preparations to sail against Mylae on the following day with all his ships. Demochares came to much, the same conclusion. He had the idea that the ships which had approached him were the only ones, and seeing that they sailed very slowly by reason of their size he sent for Sextus by night and made preparations to assail Lipara itself. When day broke, they were sailing against each other, expecting to meet inferior numbers. [-3-] As they came near together and each contrary to his expectations saw that his opponents were many more than he had thought, they were at first both alike thrown into confusion, and some even backed water. Then, fearing flight more than battle, because in the latter they hoped to prevail, but in the former they expected to be utterly destroyed, they moved toward each other and joined in conflict on the sea. The one side surpassed in the number of its ships, the other in the experience of its sailors: to the first the height of the vessels, the thickness of the catheads and the towers were a help, but charges straight ahead furthered the progress of the second, and the strength of Caesar's marines was matched by the daring of their antagonists; for the majority of them, being deserters from Italy, were quite desperate. As a result, possessing the mutual advantages and deficiencies which I have mentioned, they had equal power contributed by their evenly balanced equipment, and so their contest was close for a very long period. The followers of Sextus alarmed their opponents by the way they dashed up the waves: and they knocked holes in some ships by assailing them with a rush and bursting open the parts outside the oars, but as they were struck from the towers in the combat and brought alongside by grappling irons, they suffered no less harm than they inflicted. The Caesarians, also, when they came into close conflict and had crossed over to the hostile ships, proved superior; but as the enemy leaped out into the sea whenever the boats sank, and by their swimming well and being lightly equipped succeeded easily in climbing upon others, the attackers were at a corresponding disadvantage. Meantime the rapidity with which the ships of the one party could sail proved an offset to the solidity of those on the other side, and the heaviness of the latter counterbalanced the agility of the former. [-4-] Late in the day, near nightfall, Caesar's party finally conquered, but instituted no pursuit: the reason as it appears to me and may be conjectured from probability was that they could not overtake the fleeing ships and were afraid of running aground in the shallows, with which they were unacquainted, near the coast. Some say that Agrippa because he was battling for Caesar and not for himself thought it sufficient merely to rout his adversaries. For he had been in the habit of saying to his most intimate associates that the majority of those holding sovereign power wish no one to display more ability than themselves; and that they attended personally to nearly all such matters as afford them a conquest without effort, but assign the less favorable and more complicated business to others. And if they ever are forced to entrust some choice enterprise to their assistants, they are irritated and displeased at the latter's renown. They do not pray that these subordinates may be defeated and fare badly, yet they do not choose to have them win a complete success and secure glory from it. His advice therefore was that the man who intended to survive must relieve his masters of the annoyance incident to such undertakings and still reserve for them the successful completion of the work. As for me, I know that the above is regularly true and that Agrippa paid attention to it, but I am not setting down that on that particular occasion this was the cause of his failure to pursue. For he was not able, no matter how much he might have desired it, to follow up the foe.

[-5-] While the naval battle was in progress, Caesar, as soon as he perceived that Sextus was gone from Messana and that the strait was destitute of guards, did not let slip this opportunity of the war but immediately embarked on Antony's vessels and crossed to Tauromenium. Yet this seizure of the opportunity was not accompanied by good fortune. No one prevented him from sailing or disembarking, and he constructed his camp, as he had done everything else, at leisure. When, however, the naval battle had ended, Sextus got back to Messana with speed, and learning of Caesar's presence he quickly filled the ships with fresh warriors and assailed him with the vessels and also with his heavy-armed men on land. Caesar did not come out to fight the latter, but sailed out against Sextus through contempt of the few opposing ships and because they had been previously defeated: then it was that he lost the majority of his fleet and barely avoided destruction himself. He could not even escape to his own men that were in Sicily but was glad to reach the mainland in safety. He was himself then in security, but was mightily disturbed at seeing his army cut off on the island. His confidence was not restored until a fish of its own accord jumped out of the sea and fell at his feet. By this incident his spirits were invigorated and he believed the soothsayers who had told him that he should make Sicily his slave.

[-6-] Caesar in haste sent for Agrippa to render aid to them, and meantime they were being besieged. When, provisions began to fail them and no rescuing force appeared, Cornificius their leader became afraid that if he stayed where he was he should in the course of time be compelled by hunger to yield to the besieging party; and he reflected that while he delayed there in that way none of the enemy would come into conflict with him, because he was stronger in point of heavy-armed infantry, but if he should go forward in any direction one of two things would happen,—either they would be attacked by the enemy and come off victorious, or, if their adversaries were unwilling to do this, they would retire to a place of safety, get a supply of provisions, and obtain some help from Caesar or from Agrippa. Therefore he burned all the vessels which had survived from the sea-fight and had been cast up against the ramparts, and started out himself as if to proceed to Mylae. Both cavalry and light-armed troops attacked him from a distance (not daring to come to close quarters) and proved frightfully troublesome to him. For the enemy came close, whenever there was good opportunity, and again turned back with rapidity. But his men, being heavy-armed, could not pursue them in any way owing to the weight of their armor, and were endeavoring to protect the unarmed, who had been saved from the fleet. As a result they were continually suffering disastrously and could do no damage in return; for, in case they made a rush upon any group, they would put the foe to flight, but not being able to pursue farther they found themselves in a worse plight on their return, since by their sortie they had been isolated. They endured the greatest hardship throughout their entire journey, but chiefly in crossing the rivers. Then their adversaries hemmed them in as they were going along rapidly, in disorder, a few at a time, as usual on such occasions, and struck them in favorable spots that they saw exposed. They were shot at, moreover, whenever they encountered places that were muddy or where the current was strong, and when they happened to be stuck for a moment or were carried down stream. [-7-] This the enemy did for three whole days and on the last demoralized them completely, especially since Sextus with his heavy-armed contingent had been added to their attacking force. Consequently the Caesarians no longer mourned such as were perishing but counted them fortunate to escape from further torment, and in their hopelessness wished that they, too, were among those already dead, wounded were far more in number than those died, and being struck from a distance with stones and javelins and receiving no blow from near at hand their wounds were in many places, and not as a rule favorably located. These men were themselves in great distress and they caused the survivors far more trouble than did the enemy. For if they were carried they usually brought about the death of the men supporting them, and if they were left behind, they threw the whole army into dejection by their laments. The detachment would have perished utterly, had not the foe, though reluctantly, taken their hands off them. Agrippa, after winning the naval battle, had sailed back to Lipara, but when he learned that Sextus had fled to Messana and Demochares had gone off in some other direction, he crossed over to Sicily, occupied Mylae and Tyndaris, and sent food and soldiers to the other party. Sextus, thinking that Agrippa himself would come likewise, became frightened and beat a hasty retreat before his approach, even abandoning some baggage and supplies in his fortifications. The followers of Cornificius obtained from these ample support and made their way in safety to Agrippa. Caesar received them back with praises and gifts, although he had treated them after the victory of Agrippa in a very supercilious manner, thinking the latter had finished the war. Cornificius, indeed, prided himself so much upon his preservation of the soldiers, that in Rome, whenever he went out of his house to dine, he always returned home on the back of an elephant.

[-8-] Caesar after this entered Sicily and Sextus encamped opposite him in the vicinity of Artemisium. They did not have any great battle at once, but indulged in a few slight cavalry skirmishes. While they were stationed there in hostile array Sextus received as an accession Tisienus Gallus, and Caesar Lepidus with his forces. Lepidus had encountered the storm which I mentioned, and also Demochares, and he had lost a number of ships: he did not come to Caesar immediately, but on account of his reverse or to the end that his colleague should face difficulties by himself or in the wish to draw Sextus away from him he had made an assault on Lilybaeum. Gallus was sent thither by Sextus and contended against him. From there both the contestants, as they accomplished nothing, went to Artemisium. Gallus proved a source of strength to Sextus, but Lepidus quarreled with Caesar; he claimed the privilege of managing everything on equal terms with Caesar as his fellow-commander, whereas he was employed by him entirely in the capacity of lieutenant: therefore he inclined to favor Sextus and secretly held communication with him. Caesar suspected this, but dared not give expression to his doubts and alienate him openly, nor could he safely conceal his thoughts: he felt it would look suspicious if he should not consult him at all and that it would be dangerous to reveal all his plans. Hence he determined to dispose of the uncertainty as quickly as possible, before there was any rebellion, though for most reasons there was no need of particular haste. He had as much food and as much money as Sextus, and therefore hoped to overthrow him without effort before a great while. Still, when he had once reached this decision, he himself led out his land force and marshaled it in front of the camp, while simultaneously Agrippa sailed close in and lay at anchor. Sextus, whose forces were far inferior to theirs, would not oppose them on either element. This lasted for several days. Finally, Pompey became afraid that he might be despised for his behavior and be deserted by his allies, hence he gave orders for the ships to weigh anchor; in these he reposed his chief trust.

[-9-] When the signal was raised and the trumpet gave the first call, all the boats joined battle near the land and the infantry force of both alike was marshaled at the very edge of the breakers, so that the spectacle was a most notable one. The whole sea in that vicinity was full of ships,—they were so many that they formed a long line,—and the land just back of it was occupied by the armed men, while that further removed, but adjoining, was taken up by the rest of the throng that followed each side. Wherefore, though the struggle seemed to be between the fighters on the ships alone, in reality the others too participated. For those on the ships contended more valiantly in order to exhibit their prowess to those beholding them, and the latter, in spite of being considerably separated from them, nevertheless in watching the men in action were themselves in a way concerned in the conflict. The battle was for a long time an even one, the fighting being precisely similar to that in previous encounters, and the men on shore followed it with minds equally intent. They were very hopeful of having the whole war settled by this engagement: yet they felt encouraged even should that not prove the case, the one party expecting that if they should conquer then no further labor of importance would be theirs, and that if they should prevail on this occasion they would incur no further danger of defeat. Accordingly, in order that they might keep their eyes fixed upon the action and not incommode those taking part in it they were silent or employed but little shouting. Their cries were directed to the combatants or were addressed by way of invocation to the gods; such as got the upper hand received praise and such as gave way abuse, and besides uttering many exhortations to their warriors they shouted not a little against each other, wishing their own men to hear more easily what was said, and their opponents to catch familiar words less frequently.

[-10-] While the two sides were equally matched, these were the conditions among both parties alike and they even tried to show by gestures of the whole body that they could see and understand. When, however, the adherents of Sextus were routed, then in unison and with one impulse the one side raised the paean and the others a wail of lamentation. The soldiers as if they too had shared defeat at once retired to Messana. Caesar took up such of the vanquished as were cast on shore and went into the sea itself to set on fire all the vessels that ran aground in shoal water; thus there was no safety for such as continued to sail, for they would be disabled by Agrippa, nor for such as tried to land anywhere, for they were destroyed by Caesar, except for a few that made good their escape to Messana. In this hard position Demochares on the point of being taken slew himself and Apollophanes who had his ship unscathed and might have fled went over to Caesar. The same was done by others,—by Gallus and all the cavalry that followed him and subsequently by some of the infantry. [-11-] This most of all caused Sextus to despair of the situation, and he resolved to flee. He took his daughter and certain other persons, his money and the rest of his chief valuables, put them by night aboard of such ships as sailed best out of the number that had been preserved, and departed. No one pursued him, for his sailing had been secret and Caesar was temporarily in the midst of great disturbance.

Lepidus had attacked Messana and on being admitted to the town set fire to some of it and pillaged other portions. When Caesar on ascertaining this came up quickly and withstood him, he was alarmed and slipped out of the city, but encamped on a strong hill and made complaints about his treatment; he detailed all the slights he had received and demanded all that had been conceded to him according to their first compact and further laid claim to Sicily, on the ground that he had helped subdue it. He sent some men to Caesar with these charges and challenged him to submit to arbitration: his forces consisted of troops which he had brought in from Libya and all of those who had been left behind in Messana; for he had been the first to enter it and had suggested to them some hopes of a change in the government. [-12-] Caesar made no answer to it, thinking that he had justice all on his side and in his weapons, since he was stronger than his rival. He immediately set out, however, against him with some few followers, expecting to alarm him by his suddenness,—Lepidus not being of an energetic nature,—and to win over his soldiers. On account of the fewness of the men accompanying him they thought when he entered the camp that he was on a peaceful errand. But as his words were not at all to their liking, they became irritated and attacked him, even killing some of the men: he himself quickly received aid and was saved. After this he came against them once more with his entire army, shut them within their ramparts, and besieged them. This made them afraid of capture, and without creating any general revolt, through dread of Lepidus, they individually, a few at a time or one by one, deserted him and transferred their allegiance. In this way he too was compelled on his own initiative to array himself in mourning garments and become a suppliant of Caesar. As a result Lepidus was shorn of all authority and could not even live in Italy without a guard. Of those who had been enlisted in the cause of Sextus, members of the senatorial or equestrian classes were punished, save a few, while in the case of the rank and file all free citizens were incorporated in the legions of Caesar, and those that had been slaves were given back to their masters for vengeance: in case no master could be found for any one of them, he was impaled. Of the cities some voluntarily opened their gates to the victor and received pardon, and others resisted him and were disciplined.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
50

The following is contained in the Fiftieth of Dio's Rome.

How Caesar and Antony commenced hostilities against each other (chapters 1-14).

How Caesar conquered Antony at Actium (chapters 15-35).

Duration of time two years, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated:

Cn. Domitius L.F.Cn.N. Ahenobarbus, C. Sosius C.F. T.N. (B.C. 32 = a. u. 722.)

Caesar (III), M. Valerius M.F. Messala Corvinus. (B.C. 31 = a. u. 723.)

(BOOK 50, BOISSEVAIN.)

[-1-] The Roman people had been robbed of democracy but had not become definitely a monarchy: Antony and Caesar still controlled affairs on an equal footing, had divided the management of most of them, and nominally considered that the rest belonged to them in common, though in reality they endeavored to appropriate each interest as fast as either was able to gain any advantage over the other. Sextus had now perished, the Armenian king had been captured, the parties hostile to Caesar were silent, the Parthians showed no signs of restlessness, and so after this they turned openly against each other and the people became entirely enslaved. The causes for the war, or the pretexts, were as follows. Antony charged against Caesar that he had removed Lepidus from his position, and had taken possession of his territory and the troops of both him and Sextus, which ought to have been common property. He demanded the half of these as well as the half of the soldiers that had been levied in the parts of Italy which belonged to both of them. Caesar's charge against him was that he was holding Egypt and other countries that he had not drawn by lot, had killed Sextus (whom he would willingly have spared, he said), and by deceiving and binding the Armenian king had caused much ill repute to attach to the Roman people. He, too, demanded half of the spoils, and above all reproached him with Cleopatra and the children of hers which he had seen fit to regard as his own, the gifts bestowed upon them, and particularly that he called the boy such a name as Caesarion and placed him in the family of Caesar. [-2-] These were their mutual charges; and to a certain extent mutual rejoinders were made, some sent by letter to each other and others given to the public, by Caesar orally, by Antony in writing. On this pretext also they kept constantly sending envoys back and forth, wishing to appear as far as possible justified in the complaints they made and to reconnoitre each other's position at the same time.

[B.C. 32 (a. u. 722)]

Meanwhile they were collecting money avowedly for some different purpose and were making all other preparations for war as if against other persons, until the time that Gnaeus Domitius and Gaius Sosius, both belonging to Antony's party, became consuls. Then they made no further concealment, but admitted their alienation outright. It happened in the following way.

Domitius did not openly attempt any radical measures, since he had had the experience of many calamities. Sosius, however, had never experienced such evils, and so on the very first day of the month he spoke at length in praise of Antony and inveighed forcibly against Caesar. Indeed, he would have immediately introduced measures against the latter, had not Nonius Balbus, a tribune, prevented it. Caesar had suspected what he was going to do and wished neither to permit it to come to pass nor by offering opposition to appear to be commencing war; hence he did not enter the senate at this time nor even live in the city at all, but invented some excuse which took him out of town. He was not only influenced by the above considerations but desired to deliberate at leisure according to the reports brought to him and decide by mature reflection upon the proper course. Later he returned and convened the senate; he was surrounded by a guard of soldiers and friends who had daggers concealed, and sitting between the consuls upon his chair of state he spoke at length, and calmly, from where he sat regarding his own position, and brought many accusations against Sosius and Antony. When neither of the consuls themselves nor any one else ventured to utter a word, he bade them come together again on a specified day, giving them to understand that he would prove by certain documents that Antony was in the wrong. The consuls did not dare to reply to him and could not endure to be silent, and therefore secretly left the city before the time came for them to appear again; after that they took their way to Antony, followed by not a few of the senators who were left. Caesar on learning this declared, to prevent its appearing that he had been abandoned by them as a result of some injustice, that he had sent them out voluntarily and that he granted the rest who so wished permission to depart unarmed to Antony.

[-3-] This action of theirs just mentioned was counterbalanced by the arrival of others who had fled from Antony to Caesar—among them Titius and Plancus, though they were honored by Antony among the foremost and knew all his secrets. Their desertion was due to some friction between themselves and the Roman leader, or perhaps they were disgusted in the matter of Cleopatra: at any rate they left soon after the consuls had taken the final step and Caesar in the latter's absence had convened the senate and read and spoken all that he wished, upon hearing of which Antony assembled a kind of senate from the ranks of his followers, and after considerable talk on both sides of the question took up the war and renounced his connection with Octavia. Caesar was very glad to receive the pair and learned from them about Antony's condition, what he was doing, what he had in mind, what was written in his will, and the name of the man that had it; for they had taken part in sealing it. He became still more violently enraged from this cause and did not shrink from searching for the document, seizing it, and then carrying it into the senate and subsequently the assembly, and reading it. The clauses contained in it were of such a nature that his most lawless behavior brought upon him no reproach from the citizens. The writer had asseverated the fact that Caesarion was truly sprung from Caesar, had given some enormous presents to his children by the Egyptian queen, who were being reared by him, and had ordered that his body be buried in Alexandria and by her side.

[-4-] This made the Romans in their indignation believe that the other reports circulated were also true,—viz., that if Antony should prevail, he would bestow their city upon Cleopatra and transfer the seat of power to Egypt. And thereat they became so angry that all, not only such as disliked him or were indifferent to the two men, censured him, but even his most intimate friends did so severely. For in consternation at what was read and eager to relieve themselves of the suspicion felt toward them by Caesar, they said the same as the rest. They deprived him of the consulship, to which he had been previously elected, and of all his remaining authority. They did not declare him an enemy in so many words, because they feared its effect on his adherents, since it would be necessary that they also be held in the position of enemies in case they should not abandon him; but by action they showed their attitude as plainly as possible. For they voted to the men arrayed on his side pardon and praise if they would abandon him, and declared war outright upon Cleopatra, put on their military cloaks as though he were close at hand, and went to the temple of Bellona where they performed through Caesar as fetialis all the rites preliminary to war in the customary fashion. These were stated to refer to Cleopatra, but their real bearing was on Antony. [-5-] She had enslaved him so absolutely that she persuaded him to act as gymnasiarch⁵⁸ to the Alexandrians; and she was saluted by him as "queen" and "mistress," had Roman soldiers in her body-guard, and all of these inscribed her name upon their shields. She used to frequent the market-place with him, joined him in the management of festivals, in the hearing of lawsuits, and in riding; and in the cities she was actually carried in a chair, while Antony accompanied her on foot along with the eunuchs. He also termed his head-quarters "the palace", sometimes wore an Oriental dagger at his belt, dressed in a manner not in accordance with the customs of his native land, and let himself be seen even in public upon a gilded couch and a chair of similar appearance. He joined her in sitting for paintings and statues, he representing Osiris and Dionysus, and she Selene and Isis. This more than all made him seem to have become crazed by her through some enchantment. She so charmed and enthralled not only him but all the rest who had any influence with him that she conceived the hope of ruling the Romans, and made her greatest vow, whenever she took any oath, that of dispensing justice on the Capitol.

[-6-] This was the reason that they voted for war against Cleopatra, but they made no such declaration against Antony, knowing well that he would be made hostile in any case, for he was certainly not going to betray her and espouse Caesar's cause. And they wished to have this additional reproach to heap upon him, that he had voluntarily taken up war in behalf of the Egyptian woman against his native country, though no ill treatment had been accorded him personally at home.

Now the men of fighting age were being rapidly assembled on both sides, money was being collected from all quarters, and all warlike equipment was being gathered with speed. The entire armament distinctly surpassed in size anything previous. All the following nations coöperated with one side or the other in this war. Caesar had Italy—he attached to his cause even all those who had been placed in colonies by Antony, partly by frightening them on account of their small numbers and partly by conferring benefits; among other things that he did was to settle again as an act of his own the men who inhabited Bononia, so that they might seem to be his colonists. His allies, then, were Italy, Gaul, Spain, Illyricum, the Libyans,—both those who had long since accepted Roman sway (except those about Cyrene), and those that had belonged to Bogud and Bocchus,—Sardinia, Sicily, and the rest of the islands adjacent to the aforementioned divisions of the mainland. On Antony's side were the regions obeying Rome in continental Asia, the regions of Thrace, Greece, Macedonia, the Egyptians, the Cyrenaeans together with the surrounding country, the islanders dwelling near them, and practically all the princes and potentates who were neighbors to that part of the Roman empire then under his control,—some taking the field themselves and others being represented by troops. And so enthusiastic were the outside contingents on both sides that they confirmed by oath their alliance with each man.

[-7-] Such was the strength of the contestants. Antony took an oath to his own soldiers that he would fight without quarter and further promised that within two months after his victory he would give up his entire power and commit it to the senate and the people: some of them with difficulty persuaded him to do so only when six months had elapsed, so that he might be able to settle matters leisurely. And he, however far he was from seriously contemplating such an act, yet made the offer to strengthen the belief that he was certainly and without fail going to conquer. He saw that his own force was much superior in numbers and hoped to weaken that of his opponent by bribes. He sent gold in every direction, most of all into Italy, and especially to Rome; and he tempted his opponents individually, trying to win followers. As a result Caesar kept the more vigilant watch and gave money to his soldiers.

[-8-] Such was the vigor and the equipment of the two; and meantime all sorts of stories were circulated by men, and from the gods also there were many plain indications. An ape entered the temple of Ceres during a certain service, and tumbled about everything in the building. An owl flew first upon the temple of Concord and then upon practically all the other holiest buildings, and finally after being driven away from every other spot settled upon the temple of the Genius Populi and was not caught, and did not depart until late in the day. The chariot of Jupiter was demolished in the Roman hippodrome, and for many days a flash would rise over the sea toward Greece and dart up into the firmament. Many unfortunate accidents also were caused by storm: a trophy standing upon the Aventine fell, a statue of Victory was dislodged from the back wall of the theatre, and the wooden bridge was broken down completely. Many objects were destroyed by fire, and moreover there was a fierce volcanic discharge from Aetna which damaged cities and fields. On seeing and hearing these things the Romans remembered also about the serpent, because he too had doubtless indicated something about the situation confronting them. A little before this a great two-headed serpent, eighty-five feet long, had suddenly appeared in Etruria and after doing much damage had been killed by lightning. This had a bearing upon all of them. The chief force engaged on both sides alike was made up of Romans, and many were destined at that juncture to perish in each army, and then all of the survivors to become the property of the victor. Antony was given omens of defeat beforehand by the children in Rome; without any one's having suggested it they formed two parties, of which one called itself the Antonians and the other the Caesarians, and they fought with each other for two days, when those that bore Antony's name were defeated. His death was portended by what happened to one of his images set up as an offering in the temple of Jupiter at Albanum; although it was stone it sent forth streams of blood.

[-9-] All alike were excited over these events, yet in that year nothing further took place. Caesar was busied settling matters in Italy, especially when he discovered the presence of money sent by Antony, and so could not go to the front before winter. His rival started out with the intention of carrying the war into Italy before they suspected his movements, but when he came to Corcyra and ascertained that the advance guard of ships sent to reconnoitre his position was hiding in the vicinity of the mountains of Ceraunia, he conceived the idea that Caesar himself with all his fleet had arrived; hence he would proceed no farther. Instead, he sailed back to the Peloponnesus, the season being already late autumn, and passed the winter at Patrae, distributing the soldiers in every direction to the end that they might keep guard over the various districts and secure more easily an abundance of provisions. Meanwhile volunteers from each party went over to both sides, senators as well as others, and Lucius Messius was caught as a spy by Caesar. He released the man in spite of his being one of those previously captured at Perusia, but first showed him all his power. To Antony Caesar sent a letter, bidding him either withdraw from the sea a day's journey on horseback, and grant him the free privilege of coming to him by boat on condition that they should meet within five days, or else to cross over to Italy himself on the same terms. Antony made a great deal of fun of him and said: "Who will be our arbitrator, if the compact is transgressed in any way?" And Caesar did not expect that his demands would receive compliance, but hoped to inspire his own soldiers with courage and his opponents with terror by this act.

[B.C. 31 (a. u. 723)]

[-10-] As consuls for the next year after this Caesar and Antony had been appointed at the time when they settled the offices for eight years at once⁵⁹; and this was the last year of the period: and as Antony had been deposed,—a fact which I stated,⁶⁰—Valerius Messala, who had once been proscribed by them,⁶¹ became consul with Caesar. About this time a madman rushed into the theatre at one of the festivals, seized the crown of the former Caesar and put it on, whereupon he was torn to pieces by the bystanders. A wolf that darted into the temple of Fortune was caught and killed, and at the hippodrome during the very contest of the horses a dog overpowered and devoured another dog. Fire also consumed a considerable portion of the hippodrome, the temple of Ceres, another shrine dedicated to Spes, besides a large number of other structures. The freedmen were thought to have caused this. All of them who were in Italy and possessed property worth five myriads⁶² or more had been ordered to contribute an eighth of it. The result was numerous riots, murders, and firing of buildings on their part, and they were not brought to order until they were subdued by armed force. After this the freedmen who held any land in Italy grew frightened and kept quiet: they had been ordered, too, to give a quarter of their annual income, and though they were on the point of rebelling against this extortion, they were not bold enough after the demonstration mentioned to show further insubordination, but reluctantly made their contribution without disputing the matter. Therefore it was believed that the fire was due to a plot originated by the freedmen: yet this did not prevent it from being recorded among the great portents, because of the number of buildings burned.

[-11-] Disregarding such omens as had appeared to them they neither felt fear nor displayed less hostility but spent the winter in employing spies and annoying each other. Caesar had set sail from Brundusium and proceeded as far as Corcyra, intending to attack the ships near Actium while off their guard, but he encountered rough weather and received damage which caused him to withdraw. When spring came, Antony made no move at any point: the crews that manned the triremes were made up of all kinds of nations, and as they had been wintering at a distance from him they had secured no practice and had been diminished in numbers by disease and desertions; Agrippa also had seized Methone by storm, had killed Bogud there, was watching for merchant vessels to come to land, and was making descents from time to time on various parts of Greece, which caused Antony extreme disturbance. Caesar in turn was encouraged by this and wished to employ as soon as possible the energy of the army, which was trained to a fine point, and to carry on the war in Greece near his rival's supporters rather than in Italy near Rome. Therefore he collected all his soldiers who were of any value, and all of the men of influence, both senators and knights, at Brundusium. He wished to have the first to coöperate with him and to keep the second from being alone and acting in any revolutionary way, but chiefly he wished to show mankind that the largest and strongest element among the Romans was in accord with him. Therefore he ordered all to bring with them a stated number of servants and that, except the soldiers, they should also carry food for themselves; after this with the entire array he crossed the Ionian Gulf. [-12-] He was leading them not to the Peloponnesus or against Antony, but to Actium, where the greater part of his rival's fleet was at anchor, to see if he could gain possession of it, willing or unwilling, in advance. Consequently he disembarked the cavalry under the shadow of the Ceraunian mountains and sent them to the point mentioned, while he himself with his ships seized Corcyra, deserted by the garrisons within it, and came to a stop in the so-called Sweet Harbor: it is so named because it is made sweet by the river emptying into it. There he established a naval station and from there he set out to sail to Actium. No one came out to meet him or would hold parley with him, though he urged them to do one of two things,—come to an agreement or come into battle. But the first alternative they would not accept through distrust, nor the second, through fear. He then occupied the site where Nicopolis now stands and took up a position on a high piece of ground there from which there is a view over all the outer sea near Paxa, over the inner Ambracian Gulf, and the intermediary water (on which are the harbors near Nicopolis) alike. This spot he strengthened and constructed walls from it down to Comarus, the outer harbor, so that he commanded Actium with his camp and his fleet, by land and sea. I have heard the report that he transferred triremes from the outer sea to the gulf through the fortifications, using newly flayed hides smeared with olive oil instead of hauling-engines. However, I can find no exploit recorded of these ships in the gulf and therefore I am unable to trust the tradition; for it was certainly no small task to draw triremes on hides over a long and uneven tract of land. Still, it is said to have been performed. Actium is a place sacred to Apollo and is located in front of the mouth of the narrows leading into the Ambracian Gulf opposite the harbors at Nicopolis. These narrows are of uniform breadth, though closely confined, for a long distance, and both they and all the waters outside the entrance are fit for ships to come to anchor in and lie in wait. This space the adherents of Antony had occupied in advance, had built towers on each side of the mouth, and had taken up the intervening space with ships so that they could both sail out and retreat with security. The men were bivouacked on the farther side of the narrows, along by the sanctuary, on an extensive level area quite suitable for either battle or encampment. The nature of the place made them far more subject to disease both in winter and in summer.

[-13-] As soon as Antony ascertained Caesar's arrival, he did not delay, but hastened to Actium with his followers. He reached there in a short time but did not at once risk an encounter, though Caesar was constantly marshaling his infantry in front of the camp, often making dashes at them with his ships and beaching their transports; for his object was to join battle with only such as were present, before Antony's entire command assembled. For this very reason the latter was unwilling to risk his all, and he had recourse for several days to trials and skirmishes until he had gathered his legions. With these, especially since Caesar no longer displayed an equal readiness to assail them, he crossed the narrows and encamped not far from him, after which he sent cavalry around the gulf and besieged him on both sides. Caesar himself remained quiet, and did not take any risks which he could avoid, but sent a detachment into Greece and Macedonia with the intention of drawing Antony off in that direction. While they were so engaged Agrippa sailed suddenly to Leucas and captured the vessels there, took Patrae by conquering Quintus Nasidius in a fight at sea, and later also reduced Corinth. Following upon these events Marcus Titius and Statilius Taurus made a sudden charge upon Antony's cavalry, which they defeated, and won over Philadelphus, king of Paphlagonia. Meantime, also, Gnaeus Domitius, having some grievance against Cleopatra, transferred his allegiance and proved, indeed, of no service to Caesar (for he fell sick and died not long after), but still created the impression that his desertion was due to despair of the success of the party on whose side he was ranged. Many others followed his example, so that Antony was no longer equally imbued with courage but was suspicious of everybody. It was after this that he tortured and put to death Iamblichus, king of some of the Arabians, and others, and delivered Quintus Postumius, a senator, to his servants to be placed on the rack. Finally he became afraid that Quintus Deillius and Amyntas the Gaul, who happened to have been sent into Macedonia and Thrace after mercenaries, would espouse Caesar's cause, and he started to overtake them, pretending that he wished to render them assistance in case any hostile force should attack. And meantime a battle at sea occurred. [-14-] Lucius Tarius,⁶³ with a few ships was anchored opposite Sosius, and the latter hoped to achieve a notable success by attacking him before Agrippa, to whom the whole fleet had been entrusted, should arrive. Accordingly, after waiting for a thick mist, so that Tarius should not become aware of their numbers beforehand and flee, he set sail suddenly just before dawn and immediately at the first assault routed his opponent and pursued him, but failed to capture him; for Agrippa by chance met Sosius on the way, so that he not only gained nothing from the victory but perished⁶⁴ together with Tarcondimotus and many others.

Antony, because of his conflict and because he himself on his return had been defeated in a cavalry battle by Caesar's advance guard, no longer thought it well to encamp in two different places, but during the night left the redoubt which was near his opponents and retired to the other side of the narrows, where the larger part of his army had bivouacked. When provisions also began to fail him because he was cut off from foraging, he held a council to deliberate whether they should remain in position and hazard an encounter or transfer their post somewhere else and make the war a long one. [-15-] After several had given opinions the advice of Cleopatra prevailed,—that the choicest sites be given in possession of garrisons and that the rest of the force weigh anchor with them for Egypt. She held this view as a result of being disturbed by omens. Swallows had built their nests about her tent and on the flagship on which she sailed, and milk and blood together had dripped from beeswax. Their images with the forms of gods which the Athenians had placed on their Acropolis were hurled down by thunderbolts into the Theatre. This and the consequent dejection and listlessness of the army began to alarm Cleopatra and she filled Antony with fears. They did not wish, however, to sail out either secretly or openly as fugitives, for fear they should strike terror to the hearts of their allies, but rather with preparations made for a naval battle, in order that they might equally well force their way through in case there should be any resistance. Therefore they chose out first the best of the vessels, since the sailors had become fewer by death and desertion, and burned the rest; next they secretly put all their most prized valuables aboard of them by night. When the boats were ready, Antony gathered his soldiers and spoke as follows:—

[-16-] "All provisions that I was required to make for the war have received due attention, fellow-soldiers, in advance. First, there is your immense throng, all the chosen flower of our dependents and allies; and to such a degree are you masters of every form of combat recognized among us that alone by yourselves you are formidable to adversaries. Then again, you yourselves can see how large and how fine a fleet we have and how many fine hoplites, cavalry, slingers, peltasts, archers, mounted archers. Most of these classes are not found at all on the other side, and so far as they are found they are much fewer and weaker than ours. The funds of the enemy are small, though obtained by forced contributions, and can not last long, while they have rendered the contributors better disposed toward us than toward the men who took them; hence the population is in no way favorable to the oppressors and is moreover on the point of open revolt. Our treasury, filled from abundant resources, has harmed no one and will aid all of us. [-17-] In addition to these considerations so numerous and of such great importance I am on general principles disinclined to make any bombastic statement about myself. Yet since this too is one of the factors contributing to supremacy in war and is believed among all men to be of greatest importance,—I mean that men who are to fight well must secure an excellent general—necessity itself has rendered quite indispensable some remarks about myself, their purpose being to enable you to realize still more the fact that not only are you such soldiers that you could conquer even without a good leader, but I am such a leader that I can win even with poor soldiers. I am at that age when persons attain their greatest perfection both of body and intellect and suffer deterioration neither through the rashness of youth nor the feebleness of old age, but are strongest because in a condition half-way between the two. Moreover I possess such a nature and such a training that I can with greatest ease discern what requires to be done and make it known. Experience, which causes even the ignorant and the uneducated to appear to be of some value, I have been acquiring through my whole political and whole military career. From boyhood till now I have been continually exercised in similar pursuits; I have been much ruled and done much ruling, from which I have learned on the one hand what kind of orders and of what magnitude must be issued, and on the other how far and in what way one must render obedience. I have been subject to terror, to confidence: as a result I have made it my custom neither to entertain any fear too readily nor to venture on any hazard too heedlessly. I have met with good fortune, I have met with failure: consequently I find it possible to avoid both despair and excess of pride.

[-18-] "I speak to you who know these facts and make you who hear them my witnesses not in the intention of uttering idle boasts about myself,—your consciousness of the truth being sufficient glory for me,—but to the end that you may in this way bring home to yourselves how much better we are equipped than our opponents. For, while they are inferior to us in quantity both of soldiers and of money and in diversity of equipment, in no one respect are they so strikingly lacking as in the age and inexperience of their general. About him I need in general make no exact or detailed statement, but to sum up I will say this, which you all understand, that he is a veritable weakling in body and has never himself been victor in any important battle either on land or on the sea. Indeed, at Phillipi and in the same conflict I won the day, whereas he was defeated.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
51

The following is contained in the Fifty-first of Dio's Rome:

How Caesar after his victory at Actium transacted business requiring immediate attention (chapters 1-4).

About Antony and Cleopatra and their movements after the defeat (chapters 5-8).

How Antony, defeated in Egypt, killed himself (chapters 9-14).

How Caesar subdued Egypt (chapters 15-18).

How Caesar came to Rome and conducted a triumph (chapters 19-21).

How the Curia Julia was dedicated (chapter 22).

How Moesia was reduced (chapters 23-27).

Duration of time the remainder of the consulships of Caesar (3rd) and M. Valerius Corvinus Messala, together with two additional years, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated:

Caesar (IV), M. Licinius M.F. Crassus. (B.C. 30 = a. u. 724.)

Caesar (V), Sextus Apuleius Sexti F. (B.C. 29 = a. u. 725.)

(BOOK 51, BOISSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 31 (a. u. 723)]

[-1-] Such was the naval battle which occurred between them on the second of September. I have not elsewhere used a like expression, not being in the habit of giving precise dates, but I do it here because then for the first time Caesar alone held the entire power. Consequently the enumeration of the years of his supremacy starts from precisely that day. And before it had gone he set up as an offering to Apollo of Actium a trireme, a four-banked ship, and so on up to one of ten banks, from the captive vessels; and he built a larger temple. He also instituted a quinquennial musical and gymnastic contest involving horseracing,—a "sacred" festival, as they call all which include distribution of food,—and entitled it Actia. Further, by gathering some settlers and ousting others who dwelt nearby from their homes, he founded a city on the site of the camp and named it Nicopolis.⁶⁷ On the spot where he had had his tent he laid a foundation of square stones, and put there a shrine of Apollo open to the sky, adorning it with the captured beaks.

But this was done later. At the time he despatched one division of the ships to pursue Antony and Cleopatra; so these followed in their wake, but as it seemed impossible to overtake the fugitives they returned. With his remaining vessels he took the enemy's ramparts, where no one opposed him because of small numbers, and then overtook and without a battle got possession of the other army which was retreating into Macedonia. Various important contingents had already made their escape, the Romans to Antony and the rest of the allies to their homes. The latter moreover evinced no further hostility to Caesar, but both they and all the peoples who had formerly belonged to Rome remained quiet, and some at once and others later made terms. Caesar now proceeded to teach the cities a lesson by levying money and taking away the remnant of authority over their citizens that they possessed in their assemblies. From all the potentates and kings, save Amyntas and Archelaus, he took all the lands that they had received from Antony. Philopator son of Tarcondimotus, Lycomedes ruler in a portion of Cappadocian Pontus, and Alexander the brother of Iamblichus he even removed from their principalities. The last named, because he had secured his appointment as a reward for accusing the conqueror, he placed in his triumphal procession and afterward killed. The kingdom of Lycomedes he gave to one Medeus, because the latter had previous to the naval engagement detached the Mysians in Asia from Antony and with them had waged war upon such as followed Antony's fortunes. The people of Cydonea and Lampea he set free, because they had rendered him some assistance, and he helped the Lampeans found anew their city, from which they had been uprooted. As for the senators and knights and other prominent men who had been active in Antony's cause, he imposed fines upon many of them, executed many of them, and some he spared entirely. Among the last Sosius was a distinguished example: for though he had often fought against Caesar and now fled and hid himself, but was subsequently discovered, his life was nevertheless preserved. Likewise one Marcus Scaurus, a half-brother of Sextus on the mother's side, had been condemned to death, but was later released for the sake of his mother Mucia. Of those who underwent the extreme punishment the Aquilii Flori and Curio were the most noted. The latter met death because he was a son of the former Curio who had once been of great assistance to the former Caesar. And the Flori both perished because Octavius commanded that one of them should draw the lot to be slain. They were father and son, and when the latter, before any drawing took place, voluntarily surrendered himself to the executioner the former felt such great grief that he died also by his own hand.

[-3-] This, then, was the end of these persons. The mass of Antony's soldiers was included in the ranks of Caesar's legions and later he sent back to Italy the citizens over age of both forces, without giving any of them anything, and the remainder he disbanded. They had shown an ugly temper toward him in Sicily after the victory, and he feared they might create a disturbance again. Hence he hastened before the least signs of an uprising were manifested to discharge some entirely from the service under arms and to scatter the great majority of the rest. As he was even at this time suspicious of the freedmen, he remitted their one-quarter contribution⁶⁸ which they were still owing of the money assessed upon them. And they no longer bore him any malice for deprivations they had endured, but rejoiced as if they had received as a gift what they had not been obliged to contribute. The men still left in the rank and file showed no disposition to rebel, partly because they were held in check by their commanding officers, but mostly through hopes of the wealth of Egypt. The men, however, who had helped Caesar to gain the victory and had been dismissed from the service, were irritated at having obtained no meed of valor, and not much later they began a revolutionary movement. Caesar was suspicious of them, and fearing that they might despise Maecenas, to whom at that time Rome and the remainder of Italy had been entrusted, because he was a knight, he sent Agrippa to Italy as if on some routine business. He also gave to Agrippa and to Maecenas so great authority over everything that they might read beforehand the letters which he often wrote to the senate and to various officials, and then change whatever they wished in them. Therefore they received also from him a ring, so that they should have the means of sealing the epistles. He had had the seal which he used most at that time made double, with a sphinx raised on both sides alike. Subsequently he had his own image made in intaglio, and sealed everything with that. Later emperors likewise employed it, except Galba. The latter gave his sanction with an ancestral device which showed a dog bending forward from the prow of a ship. The way that Octavius wrote both to these two magistrates and to the rest of his intimate friends whenever there was need of forwarding information to them secretly was to write in place of the proper letter in each word the second one following.

[-4-] Octavius, with the idea that there would be no more danger from the veterans, administered affairs in Greece and took part in the Mysteries of the two goddesses. He then went over into Asia and settled matters there, all the time keeping a sharp lookout for Antony's movements. For he had not yet received any definite information regarding the course his rival had followed in his escape, and so he kept making preparations to proceed against him, if he should find out exactly. Meantime the ex-soldiers made an open demonstration, because he was so far separated from them, and he began to fear that if they got a leader they might do some damage.

[B.C. 30 (a. u. 724)]

Consequently he assigned to others the task of searching for Antony, and hurried to Italy himself, in the middle of the winter of the year that he was holding office for the fourth time, with Marcus Crassus. The latter, in spite of having been attached to the cause of Sextus and of Antony, was then his fellow consul without having even passed through the praetorship. Caesar came, then, to Brundusium but progressed no farther. The senate on ascertaining that his boat was Hearing Italy went there to meet him, save the tribunes and two praetors, who by decree stayed at home; and the class of knights as well as the majority of the people and still others, some represented by embassy and many as voluntary followers, came together there, so that there was no further sign of rebellion on the part of any one, so brilliant was his arrival, and so enthusiastic over him were the masses. They, too, some through fear, others through hopes, others obeying a summons, had come to Brundusium. To certain of them Caesar gave money, but to the rest who had been the constant companions of his campaigns, he assigned land also. By turning the townspeople in Italy who had sided with Antony out of their homes he was able to grant to his soldiers their cities and their farms. To most of the outcasts from the settlements he granted permission in turn to dwell in Dyrrachium, Philippi, and elsewhere. To the remainder he either distributed or promised money for their land. Though he had now acquired great sums by his victory, he was spending still more. For this reason he advertised in the public market his own possessions and those of his companions, in order that any one who desired to buy or claim any of them might do so. Nothing was sold, however, and nothing repaid. Who, pray, would have dared to undertake to do either? But he secured by this means a reasonable excuse for a delay in carrying out his offers, and later he discharged the debt out of the spoils of the Egyptians.

[-5-] He settled this and the rest of the urgent business, and gave to such as had received a kind of semi-amnesty the right to live in Italy, not before permitted. After this he forgave the populace left behind in Rome for not having come to him, and on the thirtieth day after his arrival set sail again for Greece. In the midst of winter he dragged his ships across the isthmus of the Peloponnesus and got back to Asia so quickly that Antony and Cleopatra received each piece of news simultaneously,—that he had departed and that he had returned. They, on fleeing from the naval battle, had gone as far as the Peloponnesus together. From there they sent away some of their associates,—all, in fact, whom they suspected,—while many withdrew against their will, and Cleopatra hastened to Egypt, for fear that her subjects might perhaps revolt, if they heard of the disaster before her coming. In order to make her approach safe, at any rate, she crowned her prows, as a sign of conquest, with garlands, and had some songs of victory sung by flute-players. When she reached safety, she murdered many of the foremost men, who had ever been restless under her rule and were now in a state of excitement at her disaster. From their estates and from various repositories hallowed and sacred she gathered a vast store of wealth, sparing not even the most revered of consecrated treasures. She fitted out her forces and looked about for possible alliances. The Armenian king she killed and sent his head to the Median, who might be influenced by this act, she thought, to aid them. As for Antony, he sailed to Pinarius Scarpus in Libya, and to the army previously collected under him there for the protection of Egypt. This general, however, would⁶⁹ not receive him and also slew the first men that Antony sent, besides destroying some of the soldiers under his command who showed displeasure at this act. Then Antony, too, proceeded to Alexandria, having accomplished nothing.

[-6-] Now among the other preparations that they made for speedy warfare they enrolled among the ephebi their sons, Cleopatra Caesarion and Antony Antyllus, who was borne to him by Fulvia and was then with him. Their purpose was to arouse interest among the Egyptians, who would feel that they already had a man for king, and that the rest might recognize these children as their lords, in case any untoward accident should happen to the parents, and so continue the struggle. This proved the lads' undoing. For Caesar, on the ground that they were men and held a certain form of sovereignty, spared neither of them. But to return: the two were preparing to wage war in Egypt with ships and infantry, and to this end they called also upon the neighboring tribes and the kings that were friendly to them. Nor did they relax their readiness also to sail to Spain, if there should be urgent need, believing that they could alienate the inhabitants of that land by their money if nothing more, and again they thought of transferring the seat of the conflict to the Red Sea. To the end that while engaged in these plans they might escape observation for the longest possible time or deceive Caesar in some way or slay him by treachery, they despatched men who carried letters to him in regard to peace, but money for his followers. Meantime, also, unknown to Antony, Cleopatra sent to him a golden scepter and a golden crown and the royal throne, through which she signified that she delivered the government to him. He might hate Antony, if he would only take pity on her. Caesar accepted the gifts as a good omen, but made no answer to Antony. To Cleopatra he forwarded publicly threatening messages and an announcement that if she would renounce the use of arms and her sovereignty, he would deliberate what ought to be done in her case. Secretly he sent word that, if she would kill Antony, he would grant her pardon and leave her empire unmolested.

[-7-] While these negotiations were going on, the Arabians, influenced by Quintus Didius, the governor of Syria, burned the ships which had been built in the Arabian Gulf for the voyage to the Red Sea, and all the peoples and the potentates refused their assistance. And it occurs to me to wonder that many others also, though they had received many gifts from Antony and Cleopatra, now left them in the lurch. The men, however, of lowest rank who were being supported for gladiatorial combats showed the utmost zeal in their behalf and contended most bravely. These were practicing in Cyzicus for the triumphal games which they were expecting to hold in honor of Caesar's overthrow, and as soon as they were made aware of what had taken place, they set out for Egypt with the intention of aiding their superiors. Many were their contests with Amyntas in Gaul, and many with the children of Tarcondimotus in Cilicia, who had been their strongest friends but now in view of the changed circumstances had gone over to the other side; and many were their struggles against Didius, who hindered them while passing through. They proved unable, after all, to make their way to Egypt. Yet even when they had been encompassed on all sides, not even then would they accept any terms of surrender, though Didius made them many promises. They sent for Antony, feeling that they could fight with him better in Syria: then, when he neither came himself nor sent them any message, they decided that he had perished, and reluctantly made terms with the condition that they should never take part in a gladiatorial show. They received from Didius Daphne, the suburb of Antioch, to dwell in, until the matter was called to Caesar's attention. Then they were tricked (somewhat later) by Messala and were sent in different directions under the pretext that they were to be enlisted in different legions and were in some convenient way destroyed.

[-8-] When Antony and Cleopatra heard from the envoys the commands which Caesar issued regarding them, they sent to him again. The queen promised that she would give him large amounts of money. Antony reminded him of their friendship and kinship, and also made a defence of his association with the Egyptian woman; he enumerated the occasions on which they had helped each other gain the objects of their loves,⁷⁰ and all the wanton pranks in which they two had shared as young men. Finally he surrendered to him Publius Turullius, a senator, who had been an assassin of Caesar, but was then living with him as a friend. He actually offered to commit suicide, if in that way Cleopatra might be saved. Caesar put Turullius to death; it happened that this man had cut wood for the fleet from the forest of Asclepius in Cos, and by his punishment in the same place he was thought to have paid the penalty to the god. But to Antony Caesar did not even then answer a word. The latter consequently despatched a third embassy, sending him his son Antyllus with considerable gold coin. His rival accepted the money, but sent the boy back empty-handed and gave him no answer. To Cleopatra, however, as the first time so the second and the third time he sent many threats and promises alike. Yet he was afraid, even so, that they might despair of in any way obtaining pardon from him and so hold out, and that they would survive by their own efforts, or set sail for Spain and Gaul, or destroy the money, the bulk of which he heard was immense. Cleopatra had gathered it all in the monument she was constructing in the palace; and she threatened to burn all of it with her, in case she should miss the smallest of her demands. Octavius sent therefore Thyrsus, a freedman of his, to speak to her kindly in every way and to tell her further that it so happened that he was in love with her. He hoped at least by this means, since she thought she had the power to arouse passion in all mankind, that he might remove Antony from the scene and keep her and her money intact. And so it proved.

[-9-] Before quite all this had occurred Antony learned that Cornelius Gallus had taken charge of Scarpus's army and with the men had suddenly marched upon Paxaetonium and occupied it. Hence, though he wished to set out and follow the summons of the gladiators, he did not go into Syria. He proceeded against Gallus, believing that he could certainly win over his soldiers without effort; they had been with him on campaigns and were well disposed. At any rate he could subdue them by main strength, since he was leading a large force both of ships and of infantry upon them. However, he found himself unable even to hold converse with them, although he approached their wall and shouted and hallooed. For Gallus by ordering his trumpeters to sound their instruments all together gave no one a chance to hear a word. Antony further failed in a sudden assault and subsequently met a reverse with his ships. Gallus by night had chains stretched across the mouth of the harbor under water and took no open measures to guard against them but quite disdainfully allowed them to sail freely in. When, however, they were inside, he drew up the chains by means of machines and encompassing his opponent's ships on all sides,—on land, from the houses, and on the sea,—he burned some and sank others. The next event was that Caesar took Pelusium, pretendedly by storm, but really betrayed by Cleopatra. She saw that no one came to her aid and perceived that Caesar was not to be withstood; most important of all, she heard the message sent to her by Thyrsus, and believed that she was really the object of affection. Her confidence was strengthened first of all by her wish that it be true, and second by the fact that she had enslaved his father and Antony alike. As a result she expected that she should gain not only forgiveness and sovereignty over the Egyptians, but empire over the Romans as well. At once she yielded Pelusium to him. After this, when he marched against the city, she secretly prevented the Alexandrians from making a sortie, though she pretended to urge them strongly to do so.

[-10-] At the news about Pelusium Antony returned from Paraetonium and in front of Alexandria met Caesar, who was exhausted from travel; he joined battle with him, therefore, with his cavalry and was victorious. From this success Antony gained courage, as also from his being able to shoot arrows into his rival's camp carrying pamphlets which promised the men fifteen hundred denarii; so he attacked also with his infantry and was defeated. Caesar himself voluntarily read the pamphlets to his soldiers, reproaching Antony the while, and led them to feel ashamed of treachery and to acquire enthusiasm in his behalf. They gained by this in zeal, both through indignation at being tempted and through their attempt to show that they would not willingly gain a reputation for baseness. Antony after his unexpected setback took refuge in his fleet and prepared to have a combat on the water, or in any case to sail to Spain. Cleopatra seeing this caused the ships to desert and she herself rushed suddenly into the mausoleum pretending that she feared Caesar and desired by some means to destroy herself before capture, but really as an invitation to Antony to enter there also. He had an inkling that he was being betrayed, but his infatuation would not allow him to believe it, and, as one might say, he pitied her more than himself. Cleopatra was fully aware of this and hoped that if he should be informed that she was dead, he would not prolong his life but meet death at once. Accordingly, she hastened into the monument with one eunuch and two female attendants and from there sent a message to him to the effect that she had passed away. When he heard it, he did not delay, but was seized with a desire to follow her in death. Then first he asked one of the bystanders to slay him, but the man drew a sword and despatched himself. Wishing to imitate his courage Antony gave himself a wound and fell upon his face, causing the bystanders to think that he was dead. An outcry was raised at his deed, and Cleopatra hearing it leaned out over the top of the monument. By a certain contrivance its doors once closed could not be opened again, but above, near the ceiling, it had not yet been completed. That was where they saw her leaning out and some began to utter shouts that reached the ears of Antony. He, learning that she survived, stood up as if he had still the power to live; but a great gush of blood from his wound made him despair of rescue and he besought those present to carry him to the monument and to hoist him by the ropes that were hanging there to elevate stone blocks. This was done and he died there on Cleopatra's bosom.

[-11-] She now began to feel confidence in Caesar and immediately made him aware of what had taken place, but did not feel altogether confident that she would experience no harm. Hence she kept herself within the structure, in order that if there should be no other motive for her preservation, she might at least purchase pardon and her sovereignty through fear about her money. Even then in such depths of calamity she remembered that she was queen, and chose rather to die with the name and dignities of a sovereign than to live as an ordinary person. It should be stated that she kept fire on hand to use upon her money and asps and other reptiles to use upon herself, and that she had tried the latter on human beings to see in what way they killed in each case. Caesar was anxious to make himself master of her treasures, to seize her alive, and to take her back for his triumph. However, as he had given her a kind of pledge, he did not wish to appear to have acted personally as an impostor, since this would prevent him from treating her as a captive and to a certain extent subdued against her will. He therefore sent to her Gaius Proculeius, a knight, and Epaphroditus, a freedman, giving them directions what they must say and do. So they obtained an audience with Cleopatra and after some accusations of a mild type suddenly laid hold of her before any decision was reached. Then they put out of her way everything by which she could bring death upon herself and allowed her to spend some days where she was, since the embalming of Antony's body claimed her attention. After that they took her to the palace, but did not remove any of her accustomed retinue or attendants, to the end that she should still more hope to accomplish her wishes and do no harm to herself. When she expressed a desire to appear before Caesar and converse with him, it was granted; and to beguile her still more, he promised that he would come to her himself.

[-12-] She accordingly prepared a luxurious apartment and costly couch, and adorned herself further in a kind of careless fashion,—for her mourning garb mightily became her,—and seated herself upon the couch; beside her she had placed many images of his father, of all sorts, and in her bosom she had put all the letters that his father had sent her. When, after this, Caesar entered, she hastily arose, blushing, and said: "Hail, master, Heaven has given joy to you and taken it from me. But you see with your own eyes your father in the guise in which he often visited me, and you may hear how he honored me in various ways and made me queen of the Egyptians. That you may learn what were his own words about me, take and read the missives which he sent me with his own hand."

As she spoke thus, she read aloud many endearing expressions of his. And now she would lament and caress the letters and again fall before his images and do them reverence. She kept turning her eyes toward Caesar, and melodiously continued to bewail her fate. She spoke in melting tones, saying at one time, "Of what avail, Caesar, are these your letters? ," and at another, "But in the man before me you also are alive for me." Then again, "Would that I had died before you! ," and still again, "But if I have him, I have you!"

Some such diversity both of words and of gestures did she employ, at the same time gazing at and murmuring to him sweetly. Caesar comprehended her outbreak of passion and appeal for sympathy. Yet he did not pretend to do so, but letting his eyes rest upon the ground, he said only this: "Be of cheer, woman, and keep a good heart, for no harm shall befall you." She was distressed that he would neither look at her nor breathe a word about the kingdom or any sigh of love, and fell at his knees wailing: "Life for me, Caesar, is neither desirable nor possible. This favor I beseech of you in memory of your father,—that since Heaven gave me to Antony after him, I may also die with my lord. Would that I had perished on the very instant after Caesar's death! But since this present fate was my destiny, send me to Antony: grudge me not burial with him, that as I die because of him, so in Hades also I may dwell with him."

[-13-] Such words she uttered expecting to obtain commiseration: Caesar, however, made no answer to it. Fearing, however, that she might make away with herself he exhorted her again to be of good cheer, did not remove any of her attendants, and kept a careful watch upon her, that she might add brilliance to his triumph. Suspecting this, and regarding it as worse than innumerable deaths, she began to desire really to die and begged Caesar frequently that she might be allowed to perish in some way, and devised many plans by herself. When she could accomplish nothing, she feigned to change her mind and to repose great hope in him, as well as great hope in Livia. She said she would sail voluntarily and made ready many treasured adornments as gifts. In this way she hoped to inspire confidence that she had no designs upon herself, and so be more free from scrutiny and bring about her destruction. This also took place. The other officials and Epaphroditus, to whom she had been committed, believed that her state of mind was really as it seemed, and neglected to keep a careful watch. She, meanwhile, was making preparations to die as painlessly as possible. First she gave a sealed paper, in which she begged Caesar to order that she be buried beside Antony, to Epaphroditus himself to deliver, pretending that it contained some other matter. Having by this excuse freed herself of his presence, she set to her task. She put on her most beauteous apparel and after choosing a most becoming pose, assumed all the royal robes and appurtenances, and so died.

[-14-] No one knows clearly in what manner she perished, for there were found merely slight indentations on her arm. Some say that she applied an asp which had been brought in to her in a water-jar or among some flowers. Others declare that she had smeared a needle, with which she was wont to braid her hair, with some poison possessed of such properties that it would not injure the surface of the body at all, but if it touched the least drop of blood it caused death very quickly and painlessly. The supposition is, then, that previously it had been her custom to wear it in her hair, and on this occasion after first making a small scratch on her arm with some instrument, she dipped the needle in the blood. In this or some very similar way she perished with her two handmaidens. The eunuch, at the moment her body was taken up, presented himself voluntarily to the serpents, and after being bitten by them leaped into a coffin which had been prepared by him. Caesar on hearing of her demise was shocked, and both viewed her body and applied drugs to it and sent for Psylli,⁷¹ in the hope that she might possibly revive. These Psylli, who are male, for there is no woman born in their tribe, have the power of sucking out before a person dies all the poison of every reptile and are not harmed themselves when bitten by any such creature. They are propagated from one another and they test their offspring, the latter being thrown among serpents at once or having serpents laid upon their swaddling-clothes. In such cases the poisonous creatures do not harm the child and are benumbed by its clothing. This is the nature of their function. But Caesar, when he could not in any way resuscitate Cleopatra, felt admiration and pity for her and was himself excessively grieved, as much as if he had been deprived of all the glory of the victory.