Kitabı oku: «Memoirs of the Duchesse De Dino (Afterwards Duchesse de Talleyrand et de Sagan), 1841-1850», sayfa 18

Sagan, November 26, 1848.– The last week has been a very difficult time; since Berlin was proclaimed to be in a state of siege all disaffected elements have fallen back upon Silesia; my workmen have been fired upon, and the red flag has been carried about. In fact, the situation looked menacing; but now that thirty thousand troops are sweeping the province we can breathe again, and if I can believe my last letters from Berlin, we are to enter upon a new era. On this subject I admit my incredulity, and I fear that it will not be dispelled for a long time; but the fact remains that disturbances have ceased for the moment, and for so much we ought to be grateful, for the feverish state of tension was becoming unbearable.

The death of Madame de Montjoye has filled the cup of misfortune for poor Queen Marie Amélie, whose only and most intimate confidential friend she was. As a result of drinking poisoned water at Claremont,¹⁷² I hear that the King's teeth have become black. Relations between the King and his children are not invariably satisfactory, nor are the children agreed among themselves. Providence is subjecting these émigrés to every kind of hardship; possibly it is an expiation for the vote of the father and the usurpation of the son.

Sagan, December 1, 1848.– To-day the newspapers announce the programme of the new Austrian Cabinet,¹⁷³ which was very well received at Kremsier and has produced a rise in Austrian stocks. May God give us a strong and clever Cabinet, at any rate in that quarter. The Cabinet which ought to govern in Prussia, and which appeared ready to assume the iron glove, seems to me to show nothing but weakness, while the glove is distinctly rusty. All good Catholics will be greatly moved by the fate of Pius IX. Notwithstanding the fact that with greater zeal than prudence he ran to liberal extremes, he remains the head of our church, the priest of God and a kind man, and his danger should stir our hearts to pity and to fear.¹⁷⁴ I hear from Berlin that Herr von Gagern has failed in his proposed object, and that the King was stronger than was thought, for he has thrust aside the show of Imperialism which Gagern had offered him on the condition that for this occasion only he would submit to the laws of the Frankfort Government.¹⁷⁵

Sagan, December 6, 1848.– Rumour here very generally asserts that the worst of the storm has passed. I am by no means sure of the fact; electoral excitement will soon begin when the attempt is made to work the constitution that has been granted, and the results seem very uncertain. Anything, in truth, is better than this state of decay and confusion in which we are here perishing, but though the danger may assume new forms, it will not pass so quickly. The country is certainly becoming somewhat enlightened and growing weary of the state of things which reduces every one to utter misery; some better instincts are asserting themselves. On the twenty-fifth anniversary of the King's marriage there was a favourable display of feeling, but too many elements of disaffection are still powerful and the Government cannot make itself respected. In Southern Germany, especially in Bavaria, people still seem to be in love with the proposal for sharing the power among three, particularly since Austria has concentrated her members to form one great monarchy. The old Prince William of Prussia who was nominated as a possible member of the triumvirate, has fallen into a state of mental weakness which would make him incapable of undertaking this task. Moreover, his son, Prince Waldemar, is dying at Münster of a spinal disease; it is a sad business, for he is a distinguished Prince and his death will be a final blow to his poor father. I doubt if the central power will last very long, as the King of Prussia mercifully persists in his refusal to accept the burden. It is said that the Princess of Prussia would have liked to see Herr von Gagern at the head of a new Prussian Cabinet. I do not think that this haughty character would have been willing to take so uncertain a position or to confront a Chamber so little amenable to parliamentary eloquence. In any case the King has rejected all insinuations, direct or indirect. It would indeed have been both foolish and utterly ungrateful on his part to dismiss the only Ministry which has had the courage and the capacity to raise the prestige of the Crown in some small degree and to turn events in the direction of conservatism.

Italy is in a pitiable condition. M. de Broglie will doubtless be deeply grieved at the death of M. Rossi, as it was he who brought M. Rossi to France, introduced him to politics, raised him to the peerage, and finally advanced him to the Embassy at Rome. I saw a great deal of him in the salon of Madame de Broglie, and afterwards at Rome; he seemed to me to be an astute and unpretentious character, less noble but cleverer than Capo d'Istria.¹⁷⁶ Their assassination was due to the same cause; both attempted to play the part of Richelieu without due preparation.

Sagan, December 30, 1848.– The calm amid which Napoleon has assumed the chief power in France would tend to show that a desire for order and peace is rising in the country. Rumours are abroad of the abdication of the King of Sardinia and of a new and warlike Sardinian Ministry.¹⁷⁷ I hope that Radetzky will bring the rest of Italy to reason as he has done in Lombardy. Windisch-Graetz is before Raab, and it is hoped that he will have no great difficulty in entering the town. Great cold delays his march, and he is also hampered by the necessity of reorganising the civil government in the districts which he occupies.¹⁷⁸ Jellachich has been carried away by his impetuosity and captured temporarily by the Hungarians.¹⁷⁹ He was rescued by his soldiers. Windisch-Graetz has bitterly reproached him for his blind rashness which might have compromised the fate of the army, and the vital question of the Government. The Archduchess Sophie gave her son, the young Emperor, as a Christmas present a frame containing the portraits of Radetzky, Windisch-Graetz, and Jellachich. It is well to remind Sovereigns by outward signs of the duty of gratitude, which, as a rule, they find somewhat burdensome. And so the disastrous year of 1848 comes to an end! Heaven grant that 1849 may bring some improvement in our lives!

CHAPTER VII
1849

Sagan, January 11, 1849.– M. Arago has at length left Berlin, where he is detested. There seems to be some idea that the Prince of the Moskowa will come as French Minister, though it is not thought likely that he will make a long stay. The Grand Duchess Stephanie is going to Paris, but will probably do no more than make a hurried and agitated visit to her cousin, the President of the Republic, and obtain some small reflection of his Imperial grandeur. However, Princess Mathilde will not leave him the pleasure of doing the honours of the Presidency, which she seems to have reserved for herself. The whole business can hardly be taken seriously.¹⁸⁰

Sagan, January 18, 1849.– The meetings preliminary to the Prussian elections give no great hope of a definite result. The Brandenburg Ministry, lest it should be accused of reaction, is pursuing the barren paths of Liberalism. The Grand Duchess Stephanie, who seems to have been aroused from long unconsciousness of my existence, writes in great depression and anxiety concerning the fate of the German Rhine provinces. Apparently the Grand Duke of Baden has threatened to withdraw her settlements if she spends them in France. I have also a letter full of dignity and affectionate trust from the Duchesse d'Orléans. I propose to go to Dresden next week, to spend a few days there with my sister.

Dresden, January 28, 1849.– At Frankfort the future head of Germany was refused hereditary rights and even life tenure of power, and it therefore seems impossible that the King of Prussia could undertake a position of this kind.¹⁸¹ This was a clever Austrian intrigue to disqualify the King, and to overthrow the whole of this ridiculous and abominable invention, which has produced nothing but ruin and disorder. The Prussian elections are not very hopeful, not so unfavourable as those of last year, but very far from giving rise to any real hope. What could be expected from the electoral law which has been granted here? We have mad Chambers, which no one can govern and no one dare dissolve. I found the Saxon Court very sad. Dresden is full of people, but it is difficult to meet any one.

Sagan, February 12, 1849.– I passed through Berlin on my return journey. The town is now swarming with little German princes, asking for mediatisation as the only means of safety; they offer themselves to Prussia, who refuses them for scrupulous reasons of every kind. Prussia thinks it dangerous to set such an example; tradition and the historical past of the monarchy are also influential forces; in short, these poor princes will all go as they have come, and in spite of the somewhat vague promises of protection which they have received as a crumb of comfort, they will probably be driven out of their homes some day or other and reduced to beggary. Count von Bülow, Prussian Minister at Frankfort, is inclined to support the Frankfort Assembly; Charlottenberg takes the contrary view; the result is an unpleasant hitch in proceedings, while the relations between Kremsier and Berlin are characterised by marked coldness, to the great displeasure of the King. I know nothing of this M. de Lurde who is taking the place of M. Arago as French Minister at Berlin, but he may easily appear to advantage in comparison with his predecessor, who could speak only of the great-heartedness and the noble soul of Barbès!

Sagan, March 1, 1849.– If I am to believe letters from Paris, there is a general revival in progress, and a complete reaction in favour of order and prosperity. Praises of the new President are general. M. Thiers said of him, "He is not Cæsar, but he is Augustus." The Legitimists throng his rooms, and after the ball nothing could be heard but the shouts of servants – "The carriage of Madame la Duchesse, of M. le Prince," &c. The President is addressed as Monseigneur, a title anything but Republican. I am told that this practice is followed in the provinces. I must say that I rather distrust these sudden changes, but the present moment seems satisfactory.

Sagan, March 31, 1849.– The political horizon causes me much anxiety. Clouds seem to be rising once more, instead of dispersing. This unfortunate proposal of an Imperial Crown does not tempt the King, but pleases those about him, the young officers of the bureaucracy, whose petty pride finds matter for self-satisfaction. The Left, perfidiously supporting the proposal, are well aware that the so-called Imperial dignity would subject the King to the orders of the democratic professors of Frankfort. The bad weather and the abominable state of the roads delay the subjugation of Hungary.¹⁸² The only consolation is the success of Radetzky, and this has been gained at what a price! We have no details yet of his last two victories, and have only heard of the abdication of Charles Albert. The actual names of the victims are unknown.¹⁸³

Sagan, April 13, 1849.– Kind Lady Westmoreland gave me the pleasant surprise of a two days' visit; she arrived yesterday to my great delight. She is a clever, lively, affectionate, and really charming friend, with warm memories of the late M. de Talleyrand, and talks of the past and the present with keen interest and intelligence. We discussed pleasant memories in England; tried as we both are by the sadness of the present time, we prefer to avoid melancholy contemplation of so deplorable a subject and to look backwards, recovering some of those precious memories which I should be inclined to style "the savings of my heart." Thus I take refuge in the past as I dare not question the future.

Sagan, April 21, 1849.– Yesterday I received letters from Paris which say that, notwithstanding the efforts of the Union in the Rue de Poitiers,¹⁸⁴ communism is making great progress in France.

It is thought at Berlin that the Frankfort parliament will pursue a wholly revolutionary course and form an executive committee and a committee of public safety. In that case it would bring troops from Baden and Nassau in the certainty that the garrison of Mayence would not be led against Frankfort, and able thus to profit by the continual vacillation of Prussia.¹⁸⁵ The asserted adherence of twenty-eight little German governments is sheer effrontery, as their agreement is only conditional: they will only join the Prussian banner if, following the example of these little governments, Prussia submits to the constitution drawn up at Frankfort. The four kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Hanover, and Würtemberg refuse their assent.

Were it not for the affairs of Denmark, Prussia would be able to fortify herself at home, a necessity which she is far from meeting at present, and make head against the Frankfort storm; but General von Pritwitz has submitted to the so-called Frankfort government.¹⁸⁶ Denmark would not be likely to treat with a Government so irregularly constituted. The solution of the difficulty is not easy to see. The King, who is at bottom kindly disposed towards the King of Denmark and is afraid of Russia,¹⁸⁷ continues to oppose the occupation of Jutland.

Sagan, April 30, 1849.– The state of Germany does not improve. The King of Würtemberg has now yielded because his troops declared that they would not fire upon the people.¹⁸⁸ The Frankfort parliament is also adopting the most revolutionary means to force the sovereigns to submit to its laws.¹⁸⁹ The parliament insists that governments shall not dissolve their Chambers without the permission of the so-called central government. This wonderful decree reached Hanover and Berlin six hours after the dissolutions had been officially announced. General von Pritwitz wishes to be relieved of his command against the Danes because he is unwilling to obey orders from Frankfort and cannot command all the little German princes who severally wish to pose as masters. Denmark has already captured a large number of Prussian merchant-ships. At Copenhagen, however, there is a desire for peace; Russia and England are also anxious for peace and so is Prussia, though Berlin cannot find courage to recall the twenty thousand men now stationed in Holstein and Schleswig. Frankfort is utterly opposed to peace, with the object of depriving the German princes of their troops and thus leaving them defenceless against the hordes of revolutionaries. In short, confusion is at its height and I think the state of Germany is far worse than it was four months ago. However, the dissolution of the Prussian Chamber which had become urgent since the Red Republic was proclaimed from the Tribune, will perhaps do some good.¹⁹⁰ It is especially necessary that the Austrian operations in Hungary should come to an end. Our fate will be decided there. Russia has entered Transylvania with a hundred thousand men: this number is regarded at Olmütz as unnecessarily large, but the Emperor Nicholas has declared that he will run no risks of a second failure such as that of Hermannstadt,¹⁹¹ and that he will either hold aloof altogether or insist upon sending an imposing force. He also feels that he is fighting his personal enemies, the Poles, upon Hungarian soil. Twenty thousand Poles are said to follow the standards of Bem and Kossuth.

Sagan, May 10, 1849.– Storms are breaking in every direction and Germany is in a state of conflagration. There has been fighting at Dresden and at Breslau.¹⁹² The Russians have used the Prussian railways to invade Moravia; they have been warmly welcomed, for anything which will check the Hungarian struggle or bring it to an end will be a blessing not only for Austria, but for the whole of Europe, for the proceedings in Hungary encourage the disaffected, and foment insurrection in every direction.

Sagan, May 17, 1849.– To-day is a solemn date which I keep whenever it comes round with heartfelt and painful emotion.¹⁹³ The nearer the years bring me to a final reunion, the more do I feel the serious and decisive nature of the event that happened eleven years ago. May God bless each of those who bore themselves as Christians should on that occasion. This I ask of Him amid my misery with a fervour which will, I trust, make my poor prayers acceptable.

Sagan, May 25, 1849.– It is a real misfortune for the Prussian Government to have Bunsen at London. He is there playing an inconceivable part. Radowitz, whose intentions are excellent, but who is quite misled, is also complicating the situation at Berlin itself and is preventing the desirable and speedy solutions of certain questions. The King of Prussia has sent General von Rauch to Warsaw, to try and sooth the Emperor Nicholas, who is angry that the Prussians should have entered Jutland in spite of the promise given.¹⁹⁴

Sagan, May 31, 1849.– With regard to the negotiations opened at Berlin, I have the following upon excellent authority:¹⁹⁵ Four days ago a protocol was signed at Berlin between Prussia, Saxony and Hanover stating: (1) Everything that has been done to grant a reasonable and satisfactory Constitution to Germany; (2) That Hanover and Saxony in their desire to maintain order in their states, recognise and accept the military superiority of Prussia in the case of any measures that may become necessary to maintain peace within their states. Herr von Beust none the less makes the following reservations in the name of the Saxon Government: (1) That Saxony does not claim by this arrangement to infringe the rights of Austria as a member of the Germanic Confederation; (2) That if the great states in Southern Germany decline to adhere to the Constitution appended to the protocol, Saxony shall have the right to withdraw; (3) That this Constitution is to receive the sanction of the Saxon Chambers. Hanover has handed in a note containing identically the same reservations. The new Constitution has been explained in a circular note addressed by Prussia to all the German governments, inviting them to adhere. The Bavarian Minister, Herr von Lerchenfeld, has also signed the protocol, but only as a member of the conference and in the hope that his Government will find some means or other of adhering to the arrangement. Herr von Prokesch has been present only at the first conference, as Radowitz then declared from the outset that he could not treat with governments which would not recognise the general superiority of Prussia as a basis of negotiation. The haughty conduct of Radowitz is undoubtedly the cause of this deplorable want of unanimity among the crowned heads, at a time when indissoluble union is so necessary. With a little cleverness and without putting forward the question of supremacy as preliminary, he might have done great services to his King and to his country, for the other states would then have unanimously requested Prussia to take the leading position, whereas now they are inclined to regard these dictatorial claims as the expression of views more ambitious than any that are really entertained. The result is jealousy and distrust which drown the voice of reason and blind men's eyes to the necessities of the times. Notwithstanding the presence of a new Danish envoy in Berlin, even an armistice seems very far distant. The last Danish concessions, though supported by Lord Palmerston, were haughtily declined by Prussia, which is making impossible claims and asserts that these alone can satisfy her honour.

Sagan, June 12, 1849.– Cholera has again broken out almost everywhere in this part of Germany; at Breslau, Berlin, and Halle the inhabitants have been decimated. In short, the state of the human race is most deplorable. My correspondents tell me that Lord Palmerston told Bunsen that he was tired of the Prussian demands, which required increasingly large concessions from Denmark, and that he proposed to abandon his position as mediator and become an active ally in conjunction with Russia for the protection of Denmark. Bunsen in relating this conversation to his Court added that the threat was not seriously intended. In this he is wrong, and is also deluding his Court.

Sagan, July 9, 1849.– I have had a visit from Baron von Meyendorff, Russian Minister at Berlin. He was going to Gastein by way of Warsaw, which is not the shortest route. His forecast of the situation was very gloomy, and more gloomy with reference to the north than to the south of Germany – I mean to say that he felt more forebodings concerning the nature of the Prussian destinies than of the Austrian.

Sagan, September 3, 1849.– General Count Haugwitz has been staying here for a few days; he came from Vienna where Radetzky was expected. The young Emperor, in order to receive the old Ajax, had delayed his departure for Warsaw, where he is going to thank his powerful ally. The latter is behaving most loyally and nobly towards his young friend and ward, for thus he considers the Emperor Francis Joseph. Paskewitch asked for mercy for Georgei which was immediately granted to him.¹⁹⁶ Austria is anxious that a few Russian regiments should prolong their stay in Galicia for the moment.

Hanover, November 5, 1849.– Yesterday morning was spent in calling upon several acquaintances in the town and paying my respects to the Crown Princess. She is kind and gentle, and I saw her two children with her. The third is expected this month. The Crown Princess showed me several very interesting portraits of her family. I was especially struck by those of the Electress Sophie, the patroness of Leibnitz and the ancestress of the Royal Family of England. She must have been very pretty, with the somewhat long and noble features of the Stuarts. I also saw a charming portrait of the sister of the Crown Princess, the Grand Duchess of Russia, wife of the Grand Duke Constantine, a clever, lively and striking face; her character is said to correspond with her expression, which fact makes her more suitable for the Court of St. Petersburg than she would be here, where her elder sister seem to have been expressly made to fulfil her sad duties.¹⁹⁷ There was a great dinner given by the King. I sat between him and the Crown Prince. I never saw a blind man eat more cleverly without any help except that of instinct or habit. At nine o'clock I went back to tea with the King, which was taken privately with him and the person known here as the Countess Royal (Frau von Grote), my brother-in-law and General Walmoden. The King lives upon oysters and ices, a strange dietary, which seems to suit his eighty years marvellously. While we were with him a despatch arrived from Vienna, which he asked the Countess to read aloud.¹⁹⁸ It stated that Austria had sent a note to Prussia in most serious language, protesting against the convocation of the so-called Imperial Diet, and that at the same time the movement of the army towards the frontiers of Bohemia and Silesia was rapidly proceeding; some sixty thousand men were said to be there concentrated. Prince Schwarzenberg replied to the questions of Count Bernstorff, the Prussian Minister at Vienna, stating that the convocation of the Diet at Erfurt had aroused democratic agitation which threatened the realm of the Duchess of Saxony, and that these troops were consequently intended for their protection and their defence in case of necessity.

The Archduke John had looked forward to a quiet unostentatious meeting with King Leopold;¹⁹⁹ instead of this he was received with great solemnity. Frau von Brandhofen and the little Count of Meran had no part in the ceremonies, and were sent to make a railway tour in Belgium incognito. When they reached Brussels they made an unexpected entry into Metternich's drawing-room, which was the more remarkable, as the relations between Prince Metternich and the Archduke John had always been cold and strained. The politeness of Metternich simplified the matter.

Eisenach, November 7, 1849.– I left Hanover yesterday morning and arrived here in the afternoon. I sent word of my arrival immediately to Madame Alfred de Chabannes, who at once came to my hotel. We talked for a long time about the little émigré Court, of which she at present forms part; I use the term émigré, although the Duchesse de Orléans is doing her utmost to avoid obtruding the anomalous nature of her position. At the same time inconsistencies cannot be entirely obviated, and arise from the nature of the situation: for instance, the opposing parties are represented among those about her; there is a coalition and a separatist party. She declines to belong definitely to either, and does not like people to say that she is opposing coalition though she will not take the first steps towards it. At the same time she has not allowed any one to declare hitherto that she would not be opposed to it. She fears that the first step to coalition would disgust her adherents in France, whom she thinks, in my opinion, to be more numerous than they really are, and this though she sees that her truly reliable adherents are growing less every day. The names which seem to cause her the most despondency from this point of view are those of Molé and Thiers. I saw the Duchesse d'Orléans alone for half an hour before dinner; we were interrupted by the Duc and Duchesse de Nemours. I found the Duchesse d'Orléans in no way outwardly changed, except that her features may have lost something of their refinement; her spirits were more despondent, though she showed the same placidity and even dignity, but her energy has decreased and she is inclined to feel herself overwhelmed by unpleasant incidents, which are due to people rather than to things. She is humiliated by the degradation which has overtaken France, and shows much insight into the state of Germany, characterising the so-called central power and the parody of imperialism at its true worth. The Nemours, who are strong supporters of Austria, refer to Lord Palmerston with much bitterness. They are really coalitionists, and are on their way back to Claremont from Vienna; she is fresh and pretty, and ventures to assert her opinions, which are positive; he has grown stouter and much more like the King, especially in his way of speaking, as he has at last found the courage to express himself; he speaks sensibly, but with no style or distinction, and in this respect he was always wanting. The letters of his brothers which have been published are not approved by him in any way. He fears that the law may be adopted which may recall his family to France, and he does not wish to see his brothers hastening back again.²⁰⁰ This is all very well, but I repeat he is wanting in the spirit of energy. He will never be of any account, and will never take any practical part, and remains a distinguished nonentity. The Comte de Paris is much grown and fairly good-looking, as his shyness had disappeared, but he has a squeaky, disagreeable intonation of voice. The Duc de Chartres has become much stronger and very noisy. The three Nemours children seem quite nice. After dinner, which began about seven o'clock, we stayed talking until nearly eleven o'clock. Boismilon is a strong separatist; Ary Scheffer was also there, and seems to me to be one of the zealot party, an attitude which M. de Talleyrand used to distrust.

The Princesse de Joinville has been confined of a still-born child and was in considerable danger. The child's body was taken to Dreux by my cousin, Alfred de Chabannes, who gave no notice of his intention. It was laid in the family vault, mass was said, and only when all this had been done did M. de Chabannes inform the Mayor of his actions. The ceremony was very properly conducted. Madame de Chabannes also told me that when her husband went to visit Louis Philippe at Claremont for the first time after February, the King said, almost as soon as he saw him, "What would you expect; I thought myself infallible." The observation seemed to me strikingly true and to be a remarkable admission.

The Duchesse d'Orléans proposes to return to London in the spring to take the Comte de Paris to his first communion, for which he is being prepared by the Abbé Guelle, who frequently instructs him at Eisenach.

Berlin, November 8, 1849.– On my return here I found my brother-in-law, who had come back from Dresden, where the state of public feeling is said to be going from bad to worse. The Ministers have been unable to obtain from the King of Saxony any decree for the capital punishment even of the most guilty, much to the indignation of right-minded people and to the exasperation of the troops who fought so admirably last May. The arrogance of the rebels has greatly increased in consequence. The King's prestige has sunk so low that his salutations are not even returned in the streets.

Yesterday was the anniversary of the installation of the Brandenburg Ministry, and there was a great entertainment in the rooms of Kroll in the Tiergarten: all the Ministers were present, and a feeling of great loyalty is said to have been manifested. However, in another part of the town a so-called religious celebration was in progress of another anniversary, the shooting of the famous Robert Blum.²⁰¹ There was thus entertainment to suit every taste, and I fear that the taste for red ruin is by no means blunted.

A letter from Paris which I find here tells me that the situation in France is entirely in the hands of the army which is divided between Cavaignac and Changarnier. The former is entirely republican and the latter will listen to nobody. Since Louise Philippe wrote his letter to Edgar Ney²⁰² at Rome Changarnier is said to have appeared less frequently at the Elysée. The President is therefore inclined to transfer the command of the Paris troops to General Magnan.

Madame de Lieven is delighted to return to Paris, and paints England in the blackest possible colours. She wears a bonnet in the style of Deffand, praises the president of the republic, and does her best as formerly to attract every shade of political colour to her house. She seems to have succeeded so far as to be frankly astonished that no one makes any mention of M. Guizot, whom she is expecting in December.