The Birth of Modern Britain: A Journey into Britain’s Archaeological Past: 1550 to the Present

THE BIRTH OF MODERN BRITAIN

A Journey into Britain’s Archaeological Past: 1550 to the Present

FRANCIS PRYOR

Contents

Cover

Title Page

Dedication

List of Plates

List of Text Illustrations and Maps

Acknowledgements

Table: Dates and Periods

Introduction: Archaeology and Modern Times

Chapter 1 – Market Forces: Fields, Farming and the Rural Economy

Chapter 2 – ‘Polite Landscapes’: Prestige, Control and Authority in Rural Britain

Chapter 3 – The Rise of the Civil Engineer: Roads, Canals and Railways

Chapter 4 – Rapid Expansion: The Growth of Towns and Cities

Chapter 5 – Dynamic, but Diverse: The Development of Industrial Britain

Chapter 6 – Capitalism Triumphant: Markets, Trade and Consumers 186

Chapter 7 – The Big Society: Faith, Justice and Charity

Chapter 8 – The First Superpower: Defence and Security

Picture Section

Index

About the Author

By the same author

Copyright

About the Publisher

Dedication

For my step-mother, Barbara Jean Pryor, for her quiet support and encouragement.

Plates

Unless otherwise stated, all photographs are © Francis Pryor

Model farm, Holkham Park, Norfolk

A view across the lake towards the Pantheon (1754) at Stourhead, Wiltshire

The restored grotto at Painshill, Surrey

A view along the first turnpike road (1663) in the village of Caxton, Cambridgeshire

The cast-iron Waterloo Bridge which carries the great Holyhead Road across the Afon Conwy at Betws-y-Coed

A paired toll house and weighbridge house on either side of the A5 at Ty Isaf

Milestone No. 73

Sunburst gates at the southern end of the Menai Strait suspension bridge

The brickwork façade of the southern entrance to the Blisworth Tunnel, Northamptonshire

A view along the bed of the tramway that led from the valley up to the navvy camp on Risehill, North Yorkshire

Grooves left by drill-holes to pack an explosive charge

Bridge over the A43, where it is crossed by the M1 at Junction 15, near Northampton

The River Porter in Whitely Woods, Sheffield

York Gate

The Paragon

A view of the Forth Rail Bridge

A view of housing in Swindon, Wiltshire

A tipping-cistern toilet block at Hungate, York

The basement floor of so-called ‘cellar houses’

The Stanley Mills, near Perth, from the River Tay

Terrace housing at Caithness Row, New Lanark

New Buildings tenement block

A view of a lead mine by William Ridley of Allenheads

A view along the Washing Rakes at the North of England Lead Mining Museum, at Killhope, Co. Durham

The potbank at the Gladstone Pottery’s Roslyn Works, Longton

Albert Dock, Liverpool (author’s photograph by permission of the Gladstone Pottery Museum)

The recently restored Swiss Bridge in Birkenhead Park, Merseyside

Hamilton Square, Birkenhead, Merseyside

The 768th (2006) Corby Glen Annual Sheep Fair, in the southern Lincolnshire Wolds, near Bourne

The chancel of St Mary’s Church, Bottesford, Leicestershire

The church of St John the Evangelist at Little Gidding, near Peterborough

The gravestone of Elizabeth Cuthbert (d. 1685) in the south nave aisle of St Magnus Cathedral, Kirkwall, Orkney

The Sight of Eternal Life Church, Shrubland Road, Hackney, east London

The Union Workhouse, Gressenhall, near East Dereham, Norfolk

Bridge designed by Robert Adam, built by General George Wade in 1733 across the upper reaches of the Tay, at Aberfeldy (Perth and Kinross)

The Second World War defensive landscape of the southern Wash at Lawyers’ Creek, near Holbeach St Matthew, Lincolnshire

Ruck machine-gun post

The Carmarthen stop line

A view of the Carmarthen stop line from a gun emplacement overlooking the mouth of the River Tywi at St Ishmael, near Kidwelly

Excavation of a series of Second World War defensive works at Shooters Hill, south-east London

Text Illustrations and Maps

Three maps of Shapwick, Somerset. From Gerrard and Aston,

The Shapwick Project. Somerset. A Rural Landscape Explored

 (2007). With kind permission of Professor Chris Gerrard.

Map showing the farming regions of early modern England (1500–1750). From Thirsk

, England’s Agricultural Regions and Agrarian History,

1500–175

0

(1987)

Survey of the Buckinghamshire village of Akeley, based on an enclosure map of 1794. From Jones and Page,

 Medieval Villages in an English Landscape

 (2006)

Farm buildings from a design by J. B. Denton of 1879. From the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments 1997, p. 153

Map showing the distribution of landscape parks in East Anglia in the late eighteenth century. From Tom Williamson, ‘Designed Landscapes: The Regional Dimension’,

Landscapes

, Vol. 5, No. 2, p. 18 (2004). With kind permission of Professor Tom Williamson.

Two idealised plans showing the layout of typical model or estate farms in England around 1750–1800 and 1800–1840. From Wade Martins,

The English Model Farm

 (2002), fig. 1

Two idealised plans showing the layout of typical model or estate farms in England around 1840–1860 and 1860–1900. From Wade Martins,

The English Model Farm

 (2002), fig. 1

General plan of Aston Hall, Birmingham. From

Post-Medieval Archaeology

, Vol. 42, Pt 1, p. 103 (2008)

Map showing the location of eighty-one planned villages erected between c. 1730 and 1855 in south-west Scotland (Dumfries and Galloway). From Philip,

Landscapes

, Vol. 6, No. 1, p. 89 (2005)

Map of the drove roads of Scotland. From Haldane,

The Drove Roads of Scotland

 (2008)

The principal long-distance routes in England and Wales in the seventeenth century, prior to the turnpikes. From Wright,

Turnpike Roads

 (1992)

Map of the Grand Union (earlier the Grand Junction) Canal in Northamptonshire

Excavated traces of wooden railway (or ‘waggonway’) lines. Illustration reproduced courtesy of Wrexham County Borough Council.

Map showing the thirty-five major historic towns and cities of England. From Thomas, ‘Mapping the Towns’,

Landscapes

, Vol. 7, No. 1 (2006), p. 73

Map showing how space within London was organised around 1750. From Short,

The South-East

, p. 175

Plan of the archaeological evidence for the Rose theatre. From

Current Archaeology

, No. 124, p. 186

Excavations at Wednesbury Forge, West Midlands. From Belford,

British Archaeology,

 No. 107, p. 33

The Upper Forge at Coalbrookdale, Shropshire. From Belford,

British Archaeology,

 No. 107, p. 34

Exterior view of a Manchester cellar house in Victorian times. From Miller and Wild,

A & G Murray and the Cotton Mills of Ancoats,

 p. 31 (2007)

Flow diagram illustrating the production of cotton textiles. From Miller and Wild,

A & G Murray and the Cotton Mills of Ancoats

, p. 162 (2007)

Plan showing the organisation of the industrial landscape around the entrance to the Park Level Lead Mine at Killhope, Co. Durham. From Forbes,

Lead and Life at Killhope

 (1987), p. 19

Map showing the development of urban areas (black) and Wombwell Wood (stippled) in the town of Wombwell, South Yorkshire. From Hey and Rodwell, ‘Wombwell’,

Landscapes

, Vol. 7, No. 2 (2006), p. 25

Drawing of the constructional details of the traditional ‘hovel’ type of updraught bottle kiln. From

Post-Med. Arch.,

 Vol. 42, Pt 1, p. 205 (2008)

Plan of the purpose-built grounds surrounding the Quaker asylum at Brislington House, Bristol. From Rutherford,

Landscapes

, Vol. 5, No. 2 (2004), p. 30

Outline drawing of a later nineteenth century triangular blue cotton neckerchief. From Oleksy,

Post-Med. Arch.,

 Vol. 42, Pt 2, p. 293

Hand-carved model boat found in a large void beneath Court 3, Parliament House, Edinburgh. From Oleksy,

Post-Med. Arch.,

 Vol. 42, Pt 2, p. 296 (2008)

Map of Harwich Basin in the early eighteenth century. From

Post-Med. Arch

., Vol. 42, Pt 2, p. 232

The defensive landscape at Landguard Fort, near Harwich, Suffolk. From Meredith,

Post-Med. Arch

., Vol. 42, Pt 2, p. 235 (2008)

A composite plan, based on contemporary sources showing the main areas of activity at the Norman Cross (Peterborough) ‘Depot’, or prisoner-of-war camp

While every effort has been made to trace the owners of copyright material reproduced herein, the publishers would like to apologise for any omissions and would be pleased to incorporate missing acknowledgements in future editions.

Acknowledgements

FROM THE MOMENT I began this four-volume archaeological history of Britain I knew that, when I ventured outside my own field of expertise in later prehistory, I would have to rely on the cooperation and goodwill of many colleagues. But instead of encountering silence or, worse, resentment, I was astonished by the way medievalist scholars took me under their wing and made the task of writing

Britain

ad

 and

Britain in the Middle Ages

 such a pleasure. For the present work I have had to draw on the knowledge of many post-medievalists and yet I have still to detect any impatience with my ceaseless enquiries. Two people who have had to bear the brunt of my curiosity are Drs Marilyn Palmer and Audrey Horning, both colleagues of mine in the School of Archaeology and Ancient History at the University of Leicester. They gave me informal seminars, sometimes even without the benefit of lunch, which helped me turn my face in what I hope has proved the right direction. Thank you both: my gratitude knows no bounds.

Michael Douglas, series editor at

Time Team

, shares my interest in the archaeology of more recent periods and played a major part in arranging the excavation of the Risehill navvy camp, North Yorkshire, and the Norman Cross prisoner-of-war Depot, Peterborough. While in Yorkshire, Bill Bevan was a great source of references and advice. At Norman Cross, Ben Robinson, the Peterborough City Archaeologist, was as ever amiable and authoritative, and Dr Henry Chapman, the

Time Team

 surveyor, helped me acquire plans of the Norman Cross Depot site in advance of the full publication, which was scheduled to appear after my own manuscript’s deadline. Dr Mike Nevell has been a splendid guide to the world of industrial archaeology. Neil (now Sir Neil) Cossons and David Crossley were a great help when I was first getting interested in industrial archaeology and we all sat on the Ancient Monuments Advisory Committee of English Heritage. Happy days! Another more than helpful friend, who goes back a long time with me, is David Cranstone. David started life as a prehistorian with me at Fengate and is now a leading authority on industrial archaeology in general and salt mines in particular. He kindly gave me several useful hints and references.

At HarperCollins I am grateful to Martin Redfern, who took on Richard Johnson’s mantle, and to Ben Buchan, whose editorial comments have greatly strengthened this book. I am also deeply indebted to Rex Nicholls who drew the line drawings and to the book’s designer. Special thanks too to Sophie Goulden, Ben Buchan, Richard Collins and Geraldine Beare.

I am also grateful to family members who provided me with unexpected information on various topics: Roderick Luis (Crimean War huts) and Nigel Smith (navvies in the North Pennines). Nigel, a bookseller by profession, found me articles and out-of-print books and his elder sister, my wife Maisie, organised my photographic expeditions and managed to sort out the mystery of the two Causey Arches – an example, incidentally, of how the internet can waste time and lead one astray. Heaven alone knows how she has put up with my moods during this four-book marathon. Finally, and despite the best efforts of all of the above, any errors that remain are mine alone.

Dates and Periods

* Strictly speaking this should refer to the Second Boer War. The First Boer War (1880-81) was more a skirmish, which the Boers won.

IntroductionArchaeology and Modern Times

BEFORE I GET involved with the ‘meat’ of the book I’d first like to say a few words on the nature of modern historical archaeology in Britain, which is probably the fastest growing branch of the subject. When I started my professional life my team worked with the Peterborough New Town Development Corporation clearing land for factory building. That was back in the early 1970s, long before television programmes like

Time Team

 had managed to convince the public at large that there was such a thing as British archaeology. Too often we would arrive at a site and announce that we’d come to survey and excavate, only to be greeted with incredulous stares and humorous comments to the effect that surely we would be better employed in Egypt, Greece or Italy. Then, when I had shown the builders (and anyone else who happened to be hanging around on site) the air photographs with the ring-ditch evidence for Bronze Age barrows and explained that these were as old as Stonehenge – which in turn was much older than the Parthenon or King Tutankhamun – the scoffing would cease and most of my audience would become our enthusiastic supporters. Sometimes their enthusiasm was such that it was hard to get much work done.

But just suppose for one moment that we had arrived on site and announced that we were planning to survey and excavate the ramshackle nineteenth- and early twentieth-century farm buildings that were then such a common feature of the city’s eastern fringes. In actual fact, those buildings were rather important, as the Fens, which were drained in the seventeenth century, were once a major producer of food for Britain’s rapidly expanding urban populations. But I very much doubt whether we would have found it quite so straightforward to silence the scoffing, because even in the better-informed times we currently live in, many people suppose that the terms ‘archaeology’ and ‘modern’ are mutually exclusive.

It’s not unreasonable to assume that a fair amount of time needs to pass before archaeological research becomes possible, let alone desirable, or informative. But, actually, this view is wrong because archaeology is not just about excavation; it’s an approach to the past that can be equally relevant when applied to something as young as a month, or as old as a millennium. Just imagine, for example, that an entire townscape is bombed flat, as happened in Coventry or in large parts of east London. In those cases archaeology is almost the only way to resurrect in any meaningful way what enemy aeroplanes destroyed. Under such circumstances, old pictures and sketches can, of course, be useful, but accurate measurements, made then and there on the ground, will be needed if reconstruction is to be attempted. In postwar years town centre developers did as much damage to Britain’s historic towns and cities as Nazi aircraft, and almost as quickly. Today this would not happen, but in the fifties and sixties pre-development surveys rarely took place. So such peacetime destruction was often horribly complete.

The simple distinction between archaeology (dirt) and history (documents), although never so clear cut, begins to break down in post-medieval times when documents of every conceivable sort become near-ubiquitous: everything from newspapers to till-roll receipts. And much of this material can find its way into the archaeological record by way of local private archives that can survive for years in abandoned offices and dusty attics. Sometimes, however, archaeologists can reveal new documentary sources that the conventional wisdom believed had long been destroyed. It was the professional and amateur archaeologists working as part of the Council for British Archaeology’s Defence of Britain Project who discovered the paperwork drawn up in 1940 that ordered and duly paid for the building of the many concrete and brick pillboxes and other defences that can still be found in their thousands in unexpected nooks and crannies across Britain.

The Defence of Britain project shows how very important it is to keep archaeological research and survey up to date, because when it took place (1995–2002) huge numbers of Second World War defences were being destroyed as ‘eyesores’ – their historical importance notwithstanding. Some 20,000 records of military installations were made during those seven years and the most important of these were then given legal protection as Scheduled Ancient Monuments.

1

 Without that project it would have been impossible to have drawn up a list of sites worthy of such protection. The same has since been achieved for Cold War sites. Would that something similar had been done before Dr Beeching wielded the axe that amputated the limbs of a once great railway network, whose Victorian stations, bridges and signal boxes now stand mouldering, while local people, stuck in traffic jams, have cause to regret their passing. The past is no less important just because it is recent. The real danger is that we take it for granted, like those wartime structures, because then we won’t realise that it has gone until it’s too late.

Of course, it’s very easy to take things for granted. Everyone today, even the most rich and powerful people in the land, has to cope with repetition: the daily drive to work or the royal flight; the walk to and from the station; regular trips to the parents-in-law, etc, etc. Each time we take a familiar journey we inevitably attach less and less value to the buildings and places we pass by. Whether we like it or not, familiarity does indeed breed indifference, if not actual contempt. Most people would agree that it is impossible to retain one’s enthusiasm for a building at quite the same level as when one first encountered it. But it doesn’t always have to be like this. In my experience archaeology can help keep one’s surroundings fresh and lively, simply by seeking out the links that tie the different parts of a particular place together.

Let’s take the case of a provincial town or city where we have a railway station built in the late 1860s, followed by relatively humble housing developments nearby in the early 1870s. By the 1880s streets of somewhat grander, mostly middle-class, villas start to appear, at which point, too, a large red-brick mock-Gothic church was also constructed. In the mid-twentieth century the area became less fashionable as the middle classes moved to new suburbs on the fringes of town. The church was then converted to a sound-recording studio and a new mosque was built on land that had once been railway marshalling yards. I won’t go on, but it’s the tales of development, setback and change, only slightly hidden away in the layout of our towns and villages, that still have the power to excite me. But for how long will it be possible to reconstruct such stories from dry bricks and mortar? Increasingly the deep foundations of modern developments devour all before them, leaving nothing in their wake for future archaeologists to puzzle over, admire and enjoy.

So those of us with an eye for such things are already looking around at our surroundings, wondering what will come under threat next. And here we are faced with the dilemma that must confront anyone whose job is to predict such things, because almost by definition people in the future will decide that we got it wrong: that it was a mistake to Schedule

*

 multi-storey car parks when it was shopping malls that were then rapidly redeveloped and promptly vanished.

So the answer is probably to cast the net wider and protect whole areas of towns or rural landscapes, rather than individual sites or buildings, if our attempts to second-guess posterity are to have any chance of success.

2

 This is already being done in the so-called Conservation Areas and Historic Cores of certain historically important towns and cities; furthermore, designated Areas of Outstanding Natural Beauty can help to protect well-known tracts of rural landscape. But inevitably such designations must favour the chocolate-box view of landscape and townscape. I can’t see anyone choosing to put forward the flat, treeless landscape where I have chosen to live, even though I personally regard it as life-enhancing and profoundly beautiful. The same could be said for many suburbs or industrial conurbations, which may well be recognised as important in two hundred years’ time. The other problem, of course, is that such protection can then put a break (it’s often termed ‘planning blight’) on commercial redevelopment and the area then starts to slip into economic decline – a process that can also be ‘assisted’ by those with vested interests.

My approach to archaeology has always been based around the landscape and by that I mean the physical setting for a particular site or monument. So it makes no sense to try to understand the mysteries of Stonehenge without thinking about why it was placed on Salisbury Plain, and why it is surrounded by hundreds of burial mounds and other sacred places, some of which are actually much earlier than the famous Stones themselves. By the same token we can soon come to understand why Manchester and the towns of north-west England became an early centre of the textile trade when we know that this area had been producing woollen fabrics since the later Middle Ages, so was able to take advantage of, or ‘add value’ to, the rapidly developing trade in cotton between Liverpool and the southern United States. So if we are to understand the context of the nineteenth-century cotton industry in the North West, its economic setting should also include Louisiana and Georgia, and latterly the effects of the American Civil War on the supply of raw materials. Similarly, it would be impossible even to think about the hugely important ceramic industry of the area around Stoke-on-Trent without also considering where these millions of plates, mugs, teapots, cups and saucers were traded.

In prehistory stone axes and bronze implements could be traded over long distances – three to four hundred miles was not uncommon – but the amounts were still small. By the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, trade had become global and the quantities involved were huge: thus pottery exports were measured in tons and improvements in ship capacity meant that distance had almost become irrelevant. So archaeology and those who practise it have had to develop new techniques and approaches if they are to throw genuinely new light on the complexities of the historic past. There is close collaboration, for example, between American archaeologists working on colonial-era settlements in Virginia and New England, and their colleagues in the English Midlands, where many of the exported goods were manufactured. One might perhaps expect that the flow of information was entirely from east to west, but in actual fact the American sites have produced results that have caused considerable surprise in Britain. Archaeology has a wonderful ability to prove the best-based predictions wrong.

There is, of course, always a danger when considering the archaeology of the recent past to become overwhelmed with detail. As a prehistorian I routinely recover a large proportion of the surviving debris from, say, a Bronze Age settlement. That might amount to 5,000 pieces of flint, maybe 200 potsherds and 10,000 bone fragments – half of which could prove identifiable. But today the amount of rubbish being produced by even a small-sized town can rapidly fill huge landfill sites. In such instances the best one can hope to do is to sample what is being discarded and for several years a team of archaeologists in Arizona did just that: in the Garbage Project they sampled what the city of Tucson was discarding day by day.

3

 But, again, it’s all very well to sample, but what really matters are the problems you are trying to resolve when you come to analyse the samples. That is undoubtedly why today historical archaeologists have grown increasingly aware that the questions they are posing must be closely tied down and tightly defined. It is no longer regarded as sufficient simply to study, say, steam engines for their own sake, because such myopic attention to detail will only tell us more and more about less and less. Instead, a historical archaeologist might try to understand the social impact of steam power: why did it become so significant and what were the effects its adoption had on the lives of people, not just in the factories where the engines were built, but in the towns and villages where the new, mass-produced goods it helped to produce were sold?

It has been said many times that archaeology is a very broad church and this is particularly true for the post-medieval period.

4

 Some specialists have arrived in historical archaeology from their studies of the later Middle Ages; others, often excavators, have grown interested in those upper layers that in the past were given only passing attention on the way down to the supposedly more interesting ancient deposits closer to the bottom of the trench. Many have joined the ranks through more specialist research interests in, say, pottery, or churches. Some have come from outside archaeology altogether – and here I would include those many industrial archaeologists who have come to the subject through their concerns for old mines, factories, vehicles or machinery and the urgent need to protect and preserve them.

As time passes it would seem that the ‘glue’ that will bind these different strands together will be social. In other words, how did people in the past react to a particular stimulus, be it a new chapel, coal mine, crop rotation or steam engine? That, surely, is the key question. Because when all is said and done, chapels, mines, farming methods and machines are of little interest in themselves. Like, dare I say it, flint tools and Bronze Age weapons, they only come alive when they can be related to society and to people.

Earlier I mentioned the distinction between the sources of information drawn upon by archaeologists and historians, namely artefacts and documents. And here I must also admit that there has been a tendency among archaeologists to regard their information, perhaps because it is so very ‘bottom-up’ and derived from the ground, as somehow more reliable than written accounts, which we all know can be distorted in favour of a particular opinion. As a prehistorian I have the enormous luxury – actually it’s a responsibility, too – of working with data whose analysis cannot be challenged by documentary sources, simply because writing didn’t exist at the time. This makes it much harder to contest my conclusions, but that doesn’t make them more reliable. So I still think it important to emphasise that it is just as easy to be misled by a spread of coal and clinker in what might once have been an engine room, as by the letters written by an eighteenth-century ironmaster to his bankers. There is nothing in the ‘bottom-up’ nature of archaeological observations that makes them necessarily more truthful than conventional historical sources. Both are different, that’s all. It goes without saying that both, too, need to be treated with caution and care. I think one reason why historical archaeology is so exciting is the creative tension that appears at the moment, often late in the life of a project, when the written record is set against that from the ground. This is often when a new revelation suddenly becomes apparent.

One might suppose that the very abundant documentary records of the historical period mean that less attention need be paid, for example, to science. But in actual fact many written records don’t address what people thought obvious at the time. So a factory manager doesn’t describe all the details of a process when he purchases a new machine. He just goes ahead and orders one. This means that we must still employ some remarkably sophisticated techniques of scientific analysis if we are to understand what precisely was being manufactured and how it was done. Often, as we will see in Chapter 5 (when we examine the Moffat Upper Steam Forge, near Airdrie), this can be achieved through the careful analysis of material preserved on the floors of long-abandoned workshops. I