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ADDRESS

We, the undersigned, in conformity to the above appointment, beg leave to present to the public, in a calm and unprejudiced manner, our reasons for opposing the scheme of African colonization. This is the land of our birth. The Declaration of Independence declares, that 'all men are born free and equal:' it does not say that the white man or the black man is free, – but all, without respect to color, tongues, or nation. We therefore consider all laws to enslave or degrade the people of color as contrary to the letter and spirit of this Declaration; and that according to it we are freemen, and have as indisputable a right to enjoy our liberty as any white man. To deny it to us, because we differ in color, is oppression. To say that Africa is our native country is untrue. Here we were born, and here we mean to die; for all men are born free.

We wish to return our grateful thanks to our friends, and to the friends of the abolition of slavery. We consider slavery a national sin, which, if not speedily overthrown, will cause this nation to mourn and weep; for God has declared that Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands unto him, and he will hear her cry.

We would say to colonizationists that we consider them our foes instead of our friends. It is vain for them to say that we would do better in Liberia; for we do not believe it. There is room enough in this country for us; and if they be our friends, let them meliorate our condition here. Let them join in the work of immediate abolition of slavery. Let them wash out the stains which disfigure the national character. And then let them tell us about Liberia.

One reason why we are opposed to leaving these United States is this: you have so long denied us the enjoyment and protection of the laws of God and man in this country, that you wish now to oppress us still more. But thanks be to Him who holds all things in his hand, we believe He will plead our cause. Your skirts are already dyed with the blood of millions of souls. 'Vengeance is mine – I will repay,' saith the Lord.

Awake, ye wolves in sheep's clothing. Your cup is now full. You are daily causing innocent blood to be shed. How long, ye slavites, ye kidnappers, ye that traffic in human flesh, will you sleep? When will you awake to your best interests? For remember that you will not always be able to hold your victims in servile chains.

A VOICE FROM NEW-BEDFORD

New-Bedford, January 23, 1832.

At a meeting of the people of color in New-Bedford, January 23d, for the purpose of considering and giving their opinion of the American Colonization Society, and the actual evil or benefit of that Society to the objects of its supervision, the free people of color, Mr Richard Johnson was called to the chair, and Richard G. Overing appointed secretary. After an address from the chair, it was moved that resolutions expressive of the views of the meeting, respecting the Colonization Society, be drawn up, and published in some newspaper not adverse to the rights and well being of all men, be their color what it may. The following are the resolves of the meeting:

Resolved, That in whatever light we view the Colonization Society, we discover nothing in it but terror, prejudice and oppression; that the warm and beneficent hand of philanthropy is not apparent in the system, but the influence of the Society on public opinion is more prejudicial to the interest and welfare of the people of color in the United States, than slavery itself.

Resolved, That the Society, to effect its purpose, the removal of the free people of color, (not the slaves) through its agents, teaches the public to believe that it is patriotic and benevolent to withhold from us knowledge and the means of acquiring subsistence, and to look upon us as unnatural and illegal residents in this country; and thus by force of prejudice, if not by law, endeavor to compel us to embark for Africa, and that too, apparently, by our own free will and consent.

Resolved, That as great a nuisance as we may be in the estimation of that Society, we yet have a hope in Him who has seen fit to continue our existence through days worse than which we do not fear, and which emboldens us as peaceable citizens, to resolve to abide the issue of coming days in our native land, in which we ask no more than the age in which we live demands, and which this nation, as republicans and christians, should not refuse to grant.

Signed in behalf of the meeting.

RICHARD JOHNSON, Chairman.

R. G. Overing, Secretary.

The foregoing resolutions and addresses are given in plain, it may be occasionally in severe language; and display an intensity of feeling, a depth of abhorrence, and a firmness of purpose, honorable to men who appreciate their rights and love their country. Before I proceed, however, to comment upon these important proceedings, I shall make some quotations from the essays and addresses of colored writers, in order to sustain my assertion that the American Colonization Society is directly opposed to the wishes of our free colored population.

'A Colored Baltimorean'³⁵ records his sentiments in the following style:

'We believe, sirs, that the people of color in the United States will never be prevailed over to abandon the land of their birth, and every thing vernacular with them – to forego many advantages which they now possess, and many more which they have in prospect, for the imaginary, or if real, the fleeting and short-lived honors held out to them by our "Americo-African empire." Why should we exchange a temperate and salubrious climate, adapted to our constitutions as Americans, for one, to us, fraught with disease and death? Why should we leave a land in which the arts and sciences are flourishing, and which is beginning to yield to our research, for one, where the irradiating beams of the sun of science have yet to be announced by the bright star of hope? Why should we leave a land illuminated with the blaze of gospel light, for one enshrouded in pagan gloom? Why should we, who are in tolerable circumstances in America, who enjoy many of the comforts of life, and are evidently on the advanced march of mind, cast away these certain, real, and growing advantages, for those which are precarious and chimerical? Why should we abandon our firesides, and every thing associated with the dear name of home– undergo the fatigues of a perilous voyage, and expose ourselves, our wives, and our little ones, to the deleterious influences of an uncongenial sun, for the enjoyment of a liberty divested of its usual accompaniments, surrounded with circumstances which diminish its intrinsic value, and render it indeed "a dear earned morsel"? * * * * * *

'But "it is the hope of accomplishing the entire subversion of the slave trade and Mahometan superstition, and all their subsidiary concomitants, that has actuated the Christian and stimulated the philanthropist." Noble objects indeed! And who are those christians and philanthropists? Our friend tells us, without distinction, that they are "those noble and heroic men who have enlisted under the banner of colonization." But how happens it that some of the most distinguished of these christians and philanthropists are themselves slaveholders, and so far abettors of the slave trade as to be actually guilty of selling into a cruel and interminable vassalage the hapless victims of their tender mercies? Again, how is it that none but the free people of color have been chosen to evangelize Africa? Is it because they are under an exclusive moral obligation to dispel the "gloom of Mahometan superstition?" Is it because they are pre-eminently qualified in point of morals and information for the missionary enterprise? None will say this. Perhaps we shall be told, that the identity of their color gives them a decided advantage over every other people. But how is it that those wicked white men, who are in the habit of resorting thither for the most nefarious purposes, have access to these people? And we have not forgotten that during the visit of the Rev. G. R. McGill, in Baltimore, he informed us that colored men from the United States, being thought by the natives to be men of information, are received and treated as white men, and denominated by the same epithet. Since then it does not appear that we are pre-eminently qualified for this work, why should it be pressed upon us? * * * *

'Tell us not that the Sovereign Ruler of the universe, who is not a respecter of persons, whose "tender mercies are over all his works," will never elevate us to the dignity of men and christians, unless we emigrate to Africa. Tell us not that in this christian country, this "land of the free and home of the brave," we must for ever remain a degraded and proscribed race – that we must for ever be treated as the outcasts of creation. We are aware that this doctrine has been asserted with all the confidence of inspiration by some of our gospel ministers. We have heard them proclaim it in a tone calculated to strengthen the prejudices existing against us. They seem to forget that there is a superintending providence – that He, who "sits upon the whirlwind and directs the storm," has ever manifested himself a friend to the oppressed of every clime. They seem to forget that the religion of Jesus, wherever it reigns with unrestrained sway, demolishes every partition wall, and exterminates out of the heart all those bitter prejudices which impede the march of the Messiah's kingdom. We should like to have these prophets give us their ideas in relation to the millennial reign of Christ. We should like to have them inform us whether or not the general prejudices and their inseparable accompaniments, which now lie upon, and operate against us, on account of our color, will be consistent with this glorious reign of peace, and love, and joy. Let these ministers consider that much of our degradation is chargeable to the indifference (to say the least) that they manifest in regard to our situation – that if they as patterns of piety hold us at a distance, it is but natural for the inconsiderate to follow their example. Let them recollect that while they are making powerful and irresistible appeals to the humanity of the American people in behalf of the oppressed of other climes, they have a people among them whose claims upon their liberality are paramount to those of any other. Let these ministers tell us how often they make it their business to visit those portions of their flocks whose crime is, their color. Nay, one of them said not long since, to be familiar with the people of color would destroy his usefulness among the whites. But whether they do their duty in relation to us or not, we indulge in no fears in regard to our future condition. We are not distrustful of the goodness and power of Him who has overruled the evil designs of those men that first tore our ancestors from their native shores, who is still overruling, and who will continue to overrule the designs of all who would treat us as the offscouring of the earth, because our Creator has not given us a color as white as their own. If ever there was a people who could look up to Heaven with unshaken confidence for protection, it is that people whose sufferings are not the consequences of their crimes; it is that people whose misfortunes work in them the graces of faith, patience and hope. And why should we not cherish these invaluable graces? We are told by high authority, that "all things shall work together for good to them that love God" – that "He will give grace and glory, and no good thing will He withhold from them that walk uprightly." You see, sirs, we have one straight forward course to pursue – one marked out by the hand of unerring wisdom. This course we intend to pursue, without giving ourselves any uneasiness as to the issue; this we leave to Him who has the administration of the universe in his hands, and who has declared for our encouragement, "even the very hairs of your head are all numbered." Tell us not of the wisdom, and power, and number of our enemies; He who has given us a hope, which at least makes our condition tolerable, will say to them, as He did to the tempestuous billows, "Hitherto shalt thou come, but no further; and here shall thy proud waves be stayed."'

* * * * * * * * * *

'What effect have the evils of slavery in this happy land upon the mind of the liberal, the unprejudiced, and philanthropic Lafayette?

'Hear him, he will speak for himself: "When I am indulging in my views of American prospects and American liberty, it is mortifying to be told that in that very country a large portion of the people are slaves. It is a dark spot on the face of the nation. Such a state of things cannot always exist." It was a sight of the evils alluded to, and their inseparable concomitants, that extorted from the pen of Mr Jefferson that comprehensive and soul-thrilling sentence – "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just, and that his justice cannot sleep for ever." But may we not indulge the hope that the evils spoken of will yet awaken the sympathies of the American people – soften their cruel prejudices – arouse their slumbering energies – and produce in them an unconquerable determination to wash from their "stars and stripes" one of the blackest spots that ever cursed the globe, or stained the historic page? Shall we be told that invincible prejudices render this great desideratum impracticable? And what is this but a libel upon the American people? What is it but to say, there is in them a moral incapacity to do justice, love mercy, and walk uprightly? Colonization orators, designing politicians, ministers of Jesus, tell me, how can you thus libel your countrymen? Surely, there is a regenerating, a redeeming spirit in the land – a spirit transforming misanthropes into philanthropists – bondmen into freemen – abettors of slavery into champions of liberty – a spirit that will yet drive from America the demon of slavery, and render it indeed "the land of the free and the home of the brave."'³⁶

* * * * * * * *

'I have just found time to notice a few very exceptionable features of a communication over the signature of "A Marylander," published, a few days ago, in the American of our city. The writer is unquestionably entitled to the credit of being a thorough-going colonizationist. He writes in the true spirit of the cause. He seems to be under an excitement produced by the publication of our anti-colonization resolutions. This being the case, it is not to be expected that he would, throughout his communication, avail himself of the guarded, accommodating, and conciliating language usual with colonization writers and declaimers. After being convinced that the people of color are not to be persuaded to leave the land of their birth, and every thing vernacular with them, for "regions" which he tells us are "now dark as the valley of the shadow of death," he says, "I would propose then that Maryland should colonize her own free blacks." He does not add the usual qualification, "with their own consent:" he knows this will never be obtained. He therefore says: "I earnestly hope that the time is now come when our state will wake up to all the importance of this subject, and will instantly commence a system of measures imperatively demanded by the sternest principles [colonization principles?] of sound policy." We would tell this precocious statesman that we are not to be intimidated into colonization "measures" by the angry effusions of his illiberal soul; that we had rather die in Maryland under the pressure of unrighteous and cruel laws than be driven, like cattle, to the pestilential clime of Liberia, where grievous privation, inevitable disease, and premature death, await us in all their horrors. We are emboldened thus to speak, not from a reliance on the mere arm of flesh; no – it is the righteousness of our cause, a knowledge of the attributes of Deity, combined with a consciousness of innocence under suffering, that have inspired us with a moral courage which no oppression shall shake, no fulminations overawe. Our limits will not permit us to expatiate, at this time, on the import of the terms, "a system of measures – the sternest principles," &c. We would barely remark that the climax of injustice and cruelty, here suggested, nay, recommended, is the legitimate fruit of the operations of the American colonization societies relative to the free people of color. We have always believed that the "system of measures" here recommended, would be the dernier resort of these christian associations. The unmerited abuse, that has been so unsparingly heaped upon us by colonizationists for expressing our opinions of their project as connected with our happiness, their manifest determination to effectuate their object regardless of our consent, abundantly corroborate the opinion we have long since entertained. We turn, however, from the contemplation of the persecution and oppression, which, it seems, are in reserve for us, to notice, briefly, the moving cause of this virulent and relentless attack upon our rights and happiness. "The census just taken," says A Marylander, "admonishes us in the strongest manner, of the necessity of prompt and efficient measures to drain off this description of our population." Here then is the patriotic, the benevolent, the christian principle, by which the colonization societies, throughout our land, are actuated. This is the selfish policy of which we complain, and which should be execrated by all true patriots, philanthropists, and christians. Our increase is represented as an "alarming evil – an evil," said one of our colonization orators in the pulpit, not long since, "which threatens our very existence." Now, if all this be true, how can they, on their own principles, say we can never be a people in this country? Surely, they are taking effectual steps to convince us, that the enjoyment of our rights in this, our native land, is not only possible, but highly probable. This we have always believed. And we hope and pray, that it may be accomplished in a way sanctioned by the gospel of peace: "without confused noise, or garments rolled in blood." But this glorious victory over pride and prejudice, by gospel weapons, will never be accomplished by colonization principles. Nor will those ministers of the gospel have any part or lot in this matter, who solemnly declare, in the face of heaven and earth, that we can never enjoy, in this country, those inalienable rights of man, whose inviolable preservation promotes the welfare of the whole human family. Such ministers virtually declare that they do not believe the doctrines they are bound to preach; that He, from whom they profess to have received their commission, is, indeed, "a hard man, reaping where he has not sown, and gathering where he has not strawed;" that He requires of them and their flocks, that which they are morally incapable of performing; that they cannot love their neighbor as themselves, or do unto others what they wish done unto themselves, because their Lord, in his wisdom, has given some of their fellow creatures a different color from their own. These temporising, retrograde reformers are doing a serious injury to the people of color. They heed not the warning of Heaven: "Do my people no harm." They are doing more to strengthen the cruel and unchristian prejudices, already too powerful against us, than all the slaveholders in the Union. They hesitate not to declare, that, in America, we are out of the reach of humanity. They seem to think that the religion of the benevolent Saviour which enjoins, "honor all men," and which explicitly says, "if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin," is nothing more than a dead letter, or must for ever remain powerless, in the United States of America. And have these men the face to contend with the infidels of our land? Why, one infidel, with the bible in his hands, would "chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight." But notwithstanding these discouraging circumstances, our cause will yet triumph. He who is for us, is stronger than all that are against us. "The rulers" of the land may "take counsel together," and some of the professed ministers of Jesus may "come into their secret," but "He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh: the Lord shall have them in derision." Fear not then, my colored countrymen, but press forward, with a laudable ambition, for all that heaven has intended for you and your children, remembering that the path of duty is the path of safety, and that "righteousness" alone "exalteth a nation."'

If excellence of style, a dignified carriage, sound logic, a high and abiding faith, and fervent piety, confer credit upon a writer, few have ever better illustrated these traits than 'A Colored Baltimorean,' or deserved a nobler tribute of praise. He who would be ashamed to acknowledge such a man as his countryman and brother, has yet to learn his own insignificance and what constitutes the majesty of human nature.

The following is an extract of a letter from a colored gentleman of wealth and respectability in Philadelphia, whose friendship is courted by honorable men, and whose usefulness is scarcely exceeded by any other citizen:

'Is it not preposterous to one, like myself, whose family has resided in the state of Pennsylvania ever since the great lawgiver, William Penn, came last to this state from England; and who fought for the independence of my country, whose Declaration asserts, that all men are born with free and equal rights – is it not preposterous to be told that this is not my country? I was seven months on board of the old Jersey Prison ship in the year 1780, "the times that tried men's souls;" and am I now to be told that Africa is my country, by some of those whose birth-place is unknown? Is it not a contradiction to say that a man is an alien to the country in which he was born? To separate the blacks from the whites is as impossible, as to bale out the Delaware with a bucket. I have always been decidedly of opinion, that if the Colonization Society would take but half the pains to improve the children of color in their own country, and expend but half the money that they are devoting to accomplish their visionary scheme of christianizing Africa, by offering premiums to master mechanics to take them as apprentices, they would do more to destroy prejudice than any thing else. When I look at this globe, containing eight or nine hundred millions of inhabitants, and see that they differ in color from the frozen to the temperate and torrid zones, and that every thing is variegated, I am astonished that any man should be so prejudiced against his fellow-man; but we pray for the aid of the Almighty to take the scales from their eyes; and that the Liberator may be one of the instruments in commencing the work.'³⁷

'I would ask some of our pretended white friends, and the members of the American Colonization Society, why they are so interested in our behalf as to want us to go to Africa? They tell us that it is our home; that they desire to make a people of us, which we can never be here; that they want Africa civilized; and that we are the very persons to do it, as it is almost impossible for any white person to exist there. I deny it. Will some of those guardian angels of the people of color tell me how it is that we, who were born in the same city or state with themselves, can live any longer in Africa than they? I consider it the most absurd assertion that any man of common sense could make, unless it is supposed, as some have already said, that we are void of understanding. If we had been born on that continent, the transportation would be another matter; but as the fact is the reverse, we consider the United States our home, and not Africa as they wish to make us believe; – and if we do emigrate, it will be to a place of our own choice.

'I would also mention to the supporters of the Colonization Society, that if they would spend half the time and money that they do, in educating the colored population and giving them lands to cultivate here, and secure to them all the rights and immunities of freemen, instead of sending them to Africa, it would be found, in a short time, that they made as good citizens as the whites. Their traducers would hear of fewer murders, highway robberies, forgeries, &c. &c. being committed, than they do at present among some of the white inhabitants of this country.'³⁸

'Colonization principles, abstractly considered, are unobjectionable; but the means employed for their propagation, we think, are altogether objectionable. We are deprived of our birthright, and pointed by the colonization partisans to another country as a home. They speak of the prejudices which exist against us, as an insuperable hindrance to the improvement of our situation here. We are sickened by the constant reiteration of "extraneous mass," "African inferiority," &c. which tends immediately to justify the slaveholder in his crime, and increase already existing prejudice. The Colonization Society never will effect the removal of slavery. The God of justice will never, in my opinion, let this nation off so easily. It is in vain to hold back. The eyes of all will ultimately be opened to see that nothing but universal emancipation can possibly avert impending wrath.'³⁹

'How long, oh! ye boasters of freedom, will ye endeavor to persuade us, your derided, degraded fellow countrymen, to the belief that our interest and happiness are prized in high estimation among you? Be it known, that we are not all such misguided, deluded mortals as to be duped by your plans; that we will not suffer ourselves to become so infatuated as to "hurl reason from her throne," and succumb to your glittering, showy, dissimulating path to eminence. We spurn with contempt your unrighteous schemes, and point the finger of derision at your fruitless attempts. You have commenced them in a day, when liberty, justice and equality are claimed by almost all, as nature's rights; for behold! a beam of science, lucid as the sun, has divinely fallen upon the lightless intellects of a portion of that ignoble part of your fellow creatures, who have been so long the victims of your fell injustice and inhumanity. Would to God that conscience might subdue your malignant prejudices. Tell us not that our condition can never be bettered in the land of our birth: you know it not. Make but the attempt in consecrating a portion of your time, talents and money upon us here, and you would soon find the cause of Afric's injured race vindicated by her descendants; and the day which now dawns would be speedily ushered into blazing light, declaring in its effulgence the joyful sound of Liberty – Justice – Equality, to all mankind.'⁴⁰

'There is much to be surprised at, little to admire, and nothing worthy of imitation, in the "bubbles" of our friends, the colonizationists. They have enlisted the prejudices and the support of the wealthy and influential in their favor; they have succeeded in sending some two or three thousand to Liberia; and they are flattered with their partial success, and no doubt look forward to the time when they will behold the whole of the colored inhabitants of America, in the far distant land of Africa. But let them not anticipate too much; they have yet one obstacle to overcome which threatens to overthrow their "baseless fabric;" or at any rate impede their progress. Their proceedings have not obtained the approbation of those, whose approbation is most needed, the colored people themselves. They are most strangely mistaken if they suppose that it is an easy matter to win them, either by sophistry or force. The press has begun its revolutionizing work, overturning in its progress every thing calculated to suppress inquiry or to blind the understanding. Already have the intrigues of the designing been exposed, and already have the colored people set their faces against oppression.

'The Colonization Society has erred in matters of policy; for instead of exerting themselves to gain the confidence of the colored people, and thus by persuasion to have rid the country of them, they have acted in a manner calculated to disgust every humane mind, and have rendered it an utter impossibility to remove them; and it is most fortunate for the unfortunate, that they have detected those intriguing spirits in their humane and charitable undertaking.

'How many hours of anguish, how much incalculable misery has been prevented; in short, how many human beings have been saved from an untimely grave, by the timely interposition of the PRESS! It has said, let it be so, and it was so; its thunders have been heard, and the oppressor trembles like the earthquake: it has overthrown, yea, totally demolished the sharp-edged sword of the Colonization Society.

'Support the PRESS then, ye people of color, and the result will be a total overthrow of all the darling schemes of the aforesaid darling Society; it has accomplished wonders, yea, wonders already; much more can, nay, will be done; again I say, support the PRESS.'⁴¹

'The African Colonization Society declares that we the people of color shall have no part nor lot in the free institutions of this country. Why? Because the Creator of all – the sovereign Ruler of the universe, who holds in his hands the destiny of nations, thought fit and proper, in his infinite wisdom, to tincture us with a darker hue than the paler part of community! or, if I may say, because the lot of our predecessors happened to be cast in the torrid zone, beneath the scorching beams of a vertical sun! These are the objections the African Colonization Society offer to this community to our remaining in this country – in the land of freemen! These are the considerations that prompt them to tell us that we the descendants of Africa can never be men unless we abandon the land of our birth, our homes and people, and submit to that uncongenial clime, the barbarous regions of Africa, amidst unyielding contagion and mortality! O, that man would remember, that knowledge and virtue, not complexion, are the emblems that constitute the value of human dignity! With these, we are worthy – without them, we are unworthy. By the acts and operations of wicked men, shielded under a cloak of religion, we the people of color are doomed to all the miseries that the human body is able to sustain – deprived of light, knowledge and social intercourse, by the colonization gentlemen. With all their pretended zeal and love of liberty, manifested towards the African race, I count them as enemies, not friends. I do not solicit their love, nor regard their friendship. I speak for one: I never did, and never will court an enemy as a friend, knowingly, let him be whom he may – let him belong to church or state, I feel the weight of their predominant power, and the finishing blow they are about to strike. Thus we move by them, poor and pennyless, despised and forsaken by all; creeping through your streets, submissively bowed down to every foot whose skin is tinctured with a lighter hue than ours – thus we sojourn in solitude, not for our crimes but color.

'I came here for the purpose of showing to this community, that the people of color of the United States disapprove of the African Colonization plan. They do not wish to emigrate to Africa. These six hundred or more, that the gentleman tells you are now waiting for a passage to Liberia, are not the free people of color of the United States; they are, if any, the poor, old, worn-out southern slaves, freed on the condition to go to Africa, or die in the tracks of slavery, no more fit for their cotton and rice fields – for the laws of those states forbid the master, let him be possessed of all the fine feelings that the human mind is able to contain; unless he banishes them to some distant region, across that "mighty ocean" they speak of, they cannot be free. According to the laws of those states, and the basis on which the Society is built, the emancipated slaves are not free until they stand upon the shores of Liberia. Thus the Northern and Middle States are called upon for donations to enable the monarch of the south to bury his slaves in the sands of Africa; thus far, northern capital is instrumental in parting asunder parents and children – no more to meet, until Jehovah will stand upon the four corners of the earth, and proclaim deliverance to the captive! – when the arm of tyrants shall cease to sway the rod of tyranny over the heads of their helpless children – until all creation shall vanish and crumble into nothing.