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CHAPTER XXI.
THE TRIUMPH OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELATIONS TO JUDAISM

Hillel II. – His Calendar – Heads of Judæan Schools: Jonah, José, and Jeremiah – The Expansion of Christianity – Constantine – The Decadence of the Jewish Schools in Babylonia – The Pumbeditha School – Development of Talmudical Dialectics – The Persian Queen Ifra and her son Shabur II. – The Emperor Julian – Favor shown towards the Jews – Proposed Rebuilding of the Temple – Roman Tolerance.

320–375 C. E

The period during which Christendom asserted its triumphant sway marked a decisive crisis in the history of nations, and closed also an epoch in Jewish history. The harvest which had slowly and invisibly been maturing during the preceding centuries was now ripe. Christianity, although hated and persecuted, had still remained defiant, and at last disarmed its enemies by drawing them within the circle of its influence. The Roman Empire, which seems to have felt an instinctive dread of its approaching dissolution through the religion of Christ, submitted to baptism, thus prolonging its assigned length of existence by the space of a century and a half. Heathenism, which was nourished by and in turn bred irrational ideas, deceit, and immorality, was obliged to surrender its life of shams, and make room for another form of religion.

The new religion which thus pressed triumphantly to the fore, possessed innumerable advantages over heathenism, in that it laid down in theory as a fundamental principle, a worthier conception of God and a purer morality, although it was very far from conforming in practice to these tenets. At the same time as Rome and Italy lost their importance and retained only a shadow of their former greatness, Judæa and Tiberias, which had taken the place of Jerusalem, sank into insignificance. Like Italy, the seat of heathen civilization, Judæa was impoverished and stunted by Christianity. By means of the political power to which this religion now attained – the possession of the imperial dignity placing the axe of the lictors and the sword of the legions under its command – Judæa was soon deprived of its intellectual life, and the school of Tiberias lost the power of attraction which it had so long exercised, and sank into decadence.

While Babylonia was raised during the next fifty years to the pinnacle of its fame by the exertions of three original Amoraïm, Rabba, Abayi, and Raba, the Judæan Amoraïm of this period were of no importance. The few men of these times whose names have survived are Chaggai, who became an authority by reason of his age, Jonah II and José, the disciples and successors of Ami and Assi. The sole recognized authority of Judæa was Jeremiah; but he was an emigrant from Babylonia, where he had been so little appreciated that he had been turned out of the schools. The office of Patriarch also sank at this period into complete insignificance, its holder, Hillel II, having in imitation of his great-grandfather Hillel, self-denyingly resigned a portion of his power. It is remarkable that at the same time as the Patriarchate lost all consequence in Judæa, it acquired a showy splendor abroad, as if the corpse were being adorned before being lowered into the grave. During the last century of the existence of the office, the Patriarchs received the pompous titles of "Highness" (illustres), "Worshipful" (spectabiles), "Famous" (clarissimi), which titles they enjoyed in conjunction with the highest dignitaries of the State, with whom, to all appearances, they were thus placed on an equality. "Let him who dares to publicly insult the illustrious Patriarchs be visited with severe punishment," commands an imperial edict, which, although dating from a later period, rests nevertheless on the earlier legislation affecting the Patriarchs.

The Emperor Constantine, who had aggrandized the Church, and laid the dominion of the earth at her feet, had at the same time given her the doubtful blessing, "By the sword thou shalt live." He had originally placed Judaism, as a religion, on an equal footing with the other forms of worship existing in the Roman Empire. For, before adopting the Christian faith, and determining above all things to put a stop to religious persecutions throughout his dominions, Constantine had published a sort of edict of toleration, wherein he had commanded that every man should enjoy the right of professing any religion without thereby becoming an outlaw. The Jews were likewise included in this act of toleration, and their patriarchs, elders, and the principals of the schools and synagogues enjoyed the same privileges as the Christian ecclesiastics and the heathen priests. These decisions continued in force, and in later times were sanctioned by new laws, although another spirit began to sway the newly-founded Byzantine court. The rule was established that the members of the synagogue who dedicated themselves to the Law, the Patriarchs, Priests, and other religious officials, should be relieved from all municipal and other onerous offices. Taking as models the constitution of the Roman priesthood, and the Christian system of bishops, the Patriarch of Judæa was regarded as the chief of all the Jews in the Roman Empire. Constantine's impartial justice, however, lasted but a short time. The more Christianity asserted its influence over him, the more did he affect the intolerance of that religion, which, forgetful of its origin, entertained as passionate a hatred of Judaism and its adherents as of heathenism. Sylvester, Bishop of Rome, Paul, afterwards Bishop of Constantinople, the new capital, and Eusebius of Cæsarea, the first historian of the Church, did not fail to incite the inhabitants of the empire against the Jews. Judaism was stigmatized as a noxious, profligate, godless sect (feralis, nefaria secta) which ought to be exterminated from the face of the earth wherever possible. An imperial edict was published to the effect that the Jews were no longer to make converts, those entering, as well as those receiving newcomers into the faith being threatened with punishment (315). Finally the proselytism of the Christians was afforded the aid of the State, and the Jews were forbidden to pronounce upon such of the members of their community as apostatized the punishment which Christianity was, however, permitted to inflict in a terribly aggravated degree upon its own adherents who left its fold. "All who dare attack the apostates with stones or in any other manner, shall be delivered to the flames, together with their accomplices." It was impossible, in fact, that Jews without fixed opinions should not be tempted by Constantine's decided leaning towards Christianity, and the prospect of profit, to change their religion. The Church expressly aimed, by all sorts of promises, at seducing the weaker members of the Jewish community from their faith, laying especial emphasis on the disadvantages which would accrue from adherence to Judaism, and on the benefits which the apostate would derive from the State. "Why do you suffer death for your God? See to what punishments and pillagings He has condemned you! Come to us; we will make you dukes, and governors and captains." "The sinful Roman Empire, the son of thy mother, attempts to make the faithful waver," such were the texts from which the public orators of the synagogue had henceforth to preach. The privileges of the Jews were abolished by Constantine – as, for instance, in the city of Cologne – and it was decreed by him that, with the exception of two or three men, all of them were liable to be called upon to fill the burdensome municipal offices.

Then the world witnessed the hitherto undreamt-of spectacle of the first general convocation of Nice, consisting of several hundred bishops and priests, with the emperor at their head (325). Christianity thought to celebrate its triumph, but only succeeded in betraying its weakness and internal disunion. For on the occasion of this, its first official appearance, in all the splendor of its plenitude of spiritual and temporal power, there remained no trace of its original character. The Essenean doctrine of humility, brotherly love, and community of possessions; the Pauline zeal for morality and sound opinions; the ardor of the Alexandrian school for scientific erudition; – all had vanished. Dogmatical disputes, whether Christ the Son was equal to the Father, whether he resembled or differed from him, disputes all the more bitterly carried on because of the impossibility of settling the question either way, – these were the points which henceforward constituted the foreground of the history of the Church which was destined to represent the history of the world. At the Council of Nice the last thread was snapped which connected Christianity with its parent stock. The festival of Easter had up till now been celebrated for the most part at the same time as the Jewish Passover, and indeed upon the days calculated and fixed by the Synhedrion in Judæa for its celebration; but in future its observance was to be rendered altogether independent of the Jewish calendar, "For it is unbecoming beyond measure that on this the holiest of festivals we should follow the customs of the Jews. Henceforward let us have nothing in common with this odious people; our Savior has shown us another path. It would indeed be absurd if the Jews were able to boast that we are not in a position to celebrate the Passover without the aid of their rules (calculations)." These remarks are attributed to the Emperor Constantine, and even though they may not have been uttered by him, they were nevertheless the guiding principle of the Church which was now to decide the fate of the Jews.

The first utterance of Christianity on the very day of its victory betrayed its hostile attitude towards the Jews, and gave rise to those malignant decrees of Constantine and his successors, which laid the foundation of the bloody persecutions of subsequent centuries. Constantine re-enacted – undoubtedly at the instigation of the clergy – the law of Hadrian, which forbade the Jews to live in Jerusalem. Only on the anniversary of the destruction of the city were they allowed, on making certain payments to the officials, to mourn on the ruins of the Temple. The clergy further succeeded in obtaining a law from Constantine prohibiting the Jews from making converts among the slaves. Christianity claimed the monopoly of expansion, and forbade Judaism to increase its influence either by making proselytes or by converting its slaves. Constantine seems, however, to have protected the Jews against the arrogance of such of their brethren as had gone over to Christianity; these converts, for the most part possessed of no fixed opinions, attempted to revenge themselves on their former fellow-countrymen and co-religionists. One of these apostates, Joseph by name, seems at this period to have vigorously persecuted the Palestinean Jews. He had been one of the assessors of the Patriarch in the Synhedrion of Tiberias, and had been entrusted with the honorable office of delegate and envoy to the communities of Cilicia. There he had frequently associated in secret with a bishop, and had obtained the writings of the New Testament to read. The Cilician Jews raised doubts as to his orthodoxy, and as, in addition to this, he was not greatly beloved, on account of his high-handed treatment of the teachers and religious dignitaries, some of whom he even degraded, certain of the Cilicians entered his residence by surprise, and discovered him reading the gospel. How is it possible to blame the Jews of Cilicia for venting upon his person their indignation at his deceit? They are said to have thrown him into the river Cydnus, and he is supposed to have escaped death only by a miracle. Nothing now remained for Joseph but to publicly announce his adoption of Christianity. If he is to be believed, many Jews, including the most learned and worthy among them, nourished at this period a secret predilection for Christianity. Joseph even relates a thoroughly incredible tale of the aged Patriarch (probably Judah III), according to which the latter was a secret adherent of the religion of Jesus, and feeling a desire to be baptized, he invited a bishop from the neighborhood of Tiberias, under pretext of obtaining his medical advice.

The Christian clergy of Palestine, and probably the bishop Eusebius, who stood in high favor with the emperor, took care that Joseph should be well rewarded for his apostasy. Constantine conferred upon him the dignity of Comes, which carried with it a sort of immunity from punishment in case of misdemeanor or violation of the law. He was also granted permission by the emperor to build the first churches of Galilee – at Tiberias, Sepphoris (Dio-cæsarea), Nazareth, and Capernaum – where but few Christians had hitherto resided.

The Patriarch's son and successor, Hillel II, who is said to have been still a minor at the death of his father, was defamed by Joseph with a twofold purpose; he desired, in the first place, to brand with infamy, simply by the force of calumny, a fellow-countryman of exalted position who had sufficient reason to hate him; and secondly, he wished to attest the miraculous power of the sign of the cross. He is said to have been appointed guardian and tutor to the young Patriarch, of whom he related that, being led astray by his youthful companions, he had abandoned himself to a life of indulgence, and had even seduced honest and virtuous women by the use of magical arts. This same Patriarch, Hillel II, who flourished from about 320 to 365, was, however, one of the most estimable successors of the elder Hillel; he was certainly no votary of Christianity, and was favored by an emperor who likewise had reason to dislike the arrogant Church.

It was in reality under Constantius (327–330), the fratricide and arch-persecutor of heretics, that the Christian rule was introduced into the Roman empire, and that the misfortunes of the Jews commenced. If the champions of the Church had not been blinded by vindictiveness and dogmatism, they would necessarily have perceived that by accepting the support of the political power they were acknowledging the authority of a master and turning the spear against their own breasts. The emperor Constantius could boldly exclaim, "Let my will be religion and the law of the Church!" It was not the fathers of the Church who decided questions of religion in the last instance, but the eunuchs and the serving-women of the court. How could the Jews expect humane treatment when the members of the Church, from the emperor down to the most humble of his subjects, were prompted by a spirit of fanaticism to persecute one another on account of verbal disputes? At the very beginning of Constantius' reign, the Jewish teachers of the Law were banished; in consequence of this decree several of them emigrated to Babylonia. Among those who were exiled there were two who are known by name: Dimé and Isaac bar Joseph. These persecutions seem to have been aggravated in the course of time; the teachers of the Law were threatened with death, whereby the stream of emigration from Judæa was naturally increased. Abin and Samuel bar Judah were among the later emigrants (337–338). The consequences of these events were the decline of the Academy of Tiberias and the general decay of active teaching. Up till then there had still existed a sort of Synhedrion, employing the usual method of voting at its meetings; Haggai, Jonah, and José are named as members of it.

The sentiment of hostility, nourished by Constantius against the Jews, also manifested itself in several laws concerning them. The causes of this persecution remain involved in complete obscurity, and it is impossible to ascertain whether the apostate Joseph, that second Acher, was in any way connected therewith. Marriages between Jews and Christian women, which appear to have been of not infrequent occurrence, were punished with death under the emperor Constantius (339). Of even greater consequence was the law concerning slaves which was promulgated by him. Whereas his father had only forbidden the admission of slaves into the Jewish community, and had simply punished the transgression of this prohibition by declaring forfeited all slaves so admitted, Constantius decreed (339) that the circumcision of a Christian slave entailed the pain of death and the entire loss of fortune. He even forbade the reception of heathen slaves into the covenant of Judaism. The grounds for this law were twofold: it was desired that Judaism should receive no increase through its adoption by slaves, and also that Christians should not serve Jewish masters, "the assassins of God." This preposterous view has been held by the Church ever since, and prevails even at the present day, although in another form. These restraints and rigors were by no means legal, for the Jews were still reputed citizens of the Roman empire, and in consequence of this equality with the other inhabitants, ought not to have been subject to any exceptional laws. But what were right and law to this emperor, who, as unscrupulous as he was weak, was swayed by the eunuchs and the ecclesiastics of the court? His conceits and caprices were law. Constantius, or the ecclesiastics of his court, were the founders of the Christian State.

The sufferings of the Jews became unbearable when Constantius sent his cousin and co-emperor Gallus to the East to operate against the ever-increasing power of the Persians (351). Gallus, who was addicted to debauchery, abandoned the conduct of the war to his legate Ursicinus. The latter, during three long years, worked more dire distress in Judæa than any imperial master. As the Roman legions were quartered in the cities of Judæa, Ursicinus made it the duty of the Jewish inhabitants to furnish the provisions necessary for their maintenance, and prosecuted his demands so inexorably that the Jewish communities were thereby driven to violate the laws of their religion. The Roman military officials demanded, for example, that the troops should be supplied with new bread, even on the Sabbath and the feast of unleavened bread. The communities of Judæa were so disheartened that the teachers of the Law vied with one another in granting indulgences and mitigating the severity of the Law. The two authorities of Tiberias, Jonah and José, taught that it was lawful to bake for Ursicinus' army on the Sabbath; and the teachers of Neve, a Gaulanite town, permitted leavened bread to be baked for the legions during Passover. In their distress the religious representatives quieted their consciences with the excuse, which they deluded themselves into believing, that the enemy did not expressly demand the transgression of the Law, but simply required the regular supply of the army. But Ursicinus' intention appears really to have been to institute a religious persecution, for at Senbaris, a small town situated about four miles from Tiberias, he burnt a scroll of the Law which had been consecrated to the public use, and this act could not relate in any way to the service of the army. Besides this, an intolerable weight of taxes burdened the Jews of Palestine, who were for the most part greatly impoverished. Among these burdens were the supply of natural produce (corn and cattle), the payment of a poll-tax, of the tribute, and, in addition thereto, of a tax levied on every trade, and of all sorts of fines. The complaints which were uttered against these onerous taxes found an echo in the pulpit. "In the same way as when a garment hanging on a hedge of thorns has been disengaged from one side, it is immediately torn by the other, so does it happen to us under the rule of Esau (Rome). No sooner have the supplies of produce been carried off than it is the turn of the poll-tax, and before this has been paid, the tribute is demanded. Wicked Esau behaves with artful cunning towards Israel. Thou hast stolen or killed. Thou hast not stolen? Who stole with thee? Thou hast not killed? Who was thy accomplice? Pay down thy fines, provide supplies, pay the poll-tax and other imposts."

These multitudinous oppressions with which the Jews were visited by the first Christian emperors, inspired them with the courage of despair and roused them to a fresh revolt. Although but little is known of this rebellion and its consequences, the accounts appearing to be but lightly sketched, it is possible nevertheless to collect some isolated particulars. The seat of the revolt was at Sepphoris, where, under cover of the night, the Jews surprised the Roman troops stationed there, slaughtered them, and gained possession of their weapons. According to one account the Jews were led by a chief of the name of Patricius or Patrick (Netira), whom they raised to the position of prince. Masters of the mountain town of Sepphoris, they ventured upon extensive incursions into the surrounding country, with a view to revenging themselves on their enemies for the outrages to which they had so long been subjected. Similar revolts must also have occurred at this time in the two most important towns of Judæa, Tiberias and Lydda, as well as at various other places. Thus the revolt acquired not inconsiderable dimensions, and for this reason Constantius was obliged to reinforce his colleague Gallus with fresh legions. With the aid of these troops the latter completely suppressed the rebellion, but showed so little mercy to the vanquished that not even the children were spared. Many thousands of Jews fell as the victims of an insurrection in which prudence had been overcome by despair. Sepphoris was razed to the ground, and Tiberias, Lydda, and the other cities which had joined the rebellion were partially destroyed (352).

As had always been the case after similar rebellions, those who had taken part in the revolt were hunted down, so that none of them might escape punishment; the inhabitants of Sepphoris, being the originators of the rising, were most rigorously sought out by Ursicinus. In order to escape this persecution they made themselves unrecognizable by masking their faces, and by this means escaped detection for a while. At last, however, traitors came forward and informed the authorities of the deceit practised by the Sepphorians, and the latter were accordingly seized and executed on the spot. Many of the refugees had meanwhile hidden themselves in the subterranean passages of Tiberias, where they were safe from the Romans. Huna relates: "When we took refuge in the subterranean passages, we had torches with us; if they showed but a feeble light, we knew that it was day, while when they burned more brightly we perceived that night was at hand." According to this, the refugees must have passed some time in these caverns.

Meanwhile Constantius appears to have re-enacted Hadrian's edict against the Jews, for the discharge of religious duties was prohibited, and even the computation of the calendar and trade in articles of religious use were forbidden. When it was desired to inform Raba, who was at this period the principal of the schools in Machuza, of the intended intercalation of a month, and of the restraint laid on the exercise of religion, it was necessary to adopt a mysterious and enigmatical style, and to make use of obscure allusions. The news was communicated in the following terms: "Men came from Reket (Tiberias), and the eagle (the Romans) caught them; for they held in their hand that which is fabricated at Luz (a blue-purple color for fringes). But by God's mercy and their own merits, they have nevertheless escaped in safety. The successors of Nachshon (Patriarch) desired to appoint a supporter of the months (intercalated month), but the Arameans (Romans) would not allow it; notwithstanding this, they assembled and intercalated the month of the death of Aaron (Ab)." This secret epistle to Babylonia betrays the distress which existed in Judæa at this period. The dispersed and weakened Synhedrion must have been prevented from inserting the usual supplementary month in the spring (Adar), and must have been compelled to transpose it to some unusual season which had not been sanctioned by the Law. On one occasion, about this period, the Jews were forbidden to observe the Day of Atonement, and were accordingly compelled to postpone it till the Sabbath. This condition of distress in which Judæa was plunged was not at all altered when the barbarous Gallus was put to death at Constantius' command, and Ursicinus fell into disfavor (354). The adherents of Judaism were regarded at the imperial court of Constantinople as simple atheists, by reason of their refusal to recognize Jesus. This view gave rise to the law (357) that all Christians who joined the "blasphemous" communities of the Jews should incur the punishment of the forfeiture of their possessions. The creatures of Constantius, Eusebius the chamberlain among others, had specially aimed at the confiscation of property, and they burdened the Jews with illegal taxes, heavy beyond measure, hoping to exterminate them by impoverishment and exhaustion. New tables of taxes had already been drawn up, with a view to still further increasing their severity, on the pretext that as the Jews were atheists they deserved no protection. They were delivered from this oppression in an unexpected manner by the Emperor Julian, who differed as greatly from his brother Gallus, as from his cousin and co-emperor, Constantius.

The miserable condition of Judæa was the occasion of an act of self-renunciation on the part of the Patriarch Hillel, which has not yet been thoroughly appreciated. The custom had prevailed up till now of keeping secret the computation of the new moon and the leap year, and of making known the times of the festivals to the communities in the neighboring lands by announcing them by messengers. During the persecutions under Constantius this method had proved itself to be impracticable and useless. Whenever the Synhedrion was prevented from fixing the date of the leap year, the Jewish communities in distant countries were left in utter doubt concerning the most important religious decisions. In order to put a stop to all difficulty and uncertainty, Hillel II introduced a final and fixed calendar; that is to say he placed at every one's disposal the means of establishing the rules which had guided the Synhedrion up till then in the calculation of the calendar and the fixing of the festivals. With his own hand the Patriarch destroyed the last bond which united the communities dispersed throughout the Roman and Persian empires with the Patriarchate. He was more concerned for the certainty of the continuance of Judaism than for the dignity of his own house, and therefore abandoned those functions for which his ancestors, Gamaliel II and Simon his son, had been so jealous and solicitous. The members of the Synhedrion favored this innovation; they only desired that the second day of the festivals, which had always been celebrated by the communities not situated in Palestine, should not now be disregarded. José addressed to the Alexandrian communities an epistle containing the following words: "Although we have made you acquainted with the order of the festivals, nevertheless change not the custom of your ancestors" (i. e. to observe the second day of the festivals). The same recommendation was also made to the Babylonians: "Adhere closely to the customs of your fathers." This advice was conscientiously followed, and the second day is observed by all the non-Palestinean communities even at the present time.

The method of calculating the calendar introduced by Hillel is so simple and certain that up to the present day it has not required either emendation or amplification, and for this reason is acknowledged to be perfect by all who are competent to express an opinion on the subject, whether Jews or non-Jews. The system is based upon a cycle of nineteen years, in which seven leap years occur. Ten months in every year are invariable, and consist alternately of twenty-nine and thirty days; the two autumn months only which follow Tishri (the most important of all the months) are left variable, as being dependent on certain circumstances in astronomy and Jewish law. This and other computations rest, however, on rules so simple, and are so plain and easy, that the veriest tyro is thereby enabled to draw up a calendar for a hundred, or even a thousand years. It has not been ascertained how much of this system was invented by Hillel, and how much he owed to tradition, for it is indisputable that certain astronomical rules were regarded as traditional in the patriarchal house; in any case, Hillel appears to have made use of Samuel's calendar. This calendar and the year of its introduction are now known. It was published in the 670th year of the Seleucidean era, the 359th of the common reckoning.

The oppression which thus fell upon the inhabitants of Palestine, and which gave rise to Hillel's calendar, augmented the importance and influence of Babylonia, and although Christianity could boast of having broken up the academies and destroyed, so to speak, the Temple of the Law in Judæa, the destruction was nevertheless merely local. In Babylonia the study of the Law acquired so vigorous an impetus that the achievements of ancient times were almost eclipsed; the study of the Law was now celebrating the period of its maturity. Two methods of instruction in the traditions especially had developed, namely, that of receiving the authentic terms of the traditions and handing them down in exactly the same words, and that of making a fruitful application of the same, and of further amplifying them. Each of these methods was represented by one of the academies of Babylonia; Sora was receptive, Pumbeditha creative. Altogether Sora can be regarded only as a continuation of the academies of Judæa, as a sort of Babylonian Tiberias; and although the spirit which reigned there underwent a change under the influence of the Babylonian method, still the Soranian school never furthered the cause of study to any appreciable extent. It was Pumbeditha that raised learning to its highest level. The acute scholars of Pumbeditha, produced by Judah ben Ezekiel's Academy, held sway at this period over Babylonia and the dependent countries. The leaders and representatives of this movement formed a triumvirate, consisting of Rabba, and his comrades and disciples, Abayi and Raba. It was these three that gave the finishing touch to the work of completing the Talmud, or rather who raised the study of the Halacha to the rank of an intellectual system of dialectics.