Kitabı oku: «The Journal of Negro History, Volume 6, 1921», sayfa 25
We respectfully invite a correspondence on the subject of this address, and the communication of such facts as may, from time to time, come to your knowledge.
By order of the Acting Committee of the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and Improving the condition of the African Race.
Otis Ammidon, Chairman.433
Isaac Barton, Secretary.
Philadelphia, 22, 1825.
The American Convention for promoting the Abolition of
Slavery, &c. to the citizens of the United States
Among the various subjects which have obtained our attention at this time, that of the education of indigent colored children is considered one of primary importance. When we look around upon the one hand, and see the incalculable advantages which have accrued to the children of white persons in limited circumstances, from the instruction bestowed upon them by judicious benevolent provisions; and upon the other, to observe the deplorable effects of the want of instruction, in the case of the neglected children of colored parents, we feel a conviction that the period has arrived, when the Abolitionist and the Philanthropist ought to renew and redouble their efforts to remove the unpleasant contrast; and it is with much satisfaction we have learned that in some parts of our country, the attention of benevolent individuals, and charitable institutions, has been attracted to this subject, and the success which attended their endeavours, furnishes a most powerful inducement to follow up so praiseworthy an undertaking by the united efforts of all those who are one in sentiment with us, in improving the condition of the African race. We trust it will be readily conceded, that whatever measures have the effect of enlightening any portion of the community, are a public good; and upon this maxim, the education of the children of what are called the lower classes, has often been recommended with a laudable zeal, by statesmen eminent for their wisdom and foresight; from hence, and the acts of some of the State Legislatures, much has been done to enlighten the minds of indigent children; unhappily, in some parts of our country, colored children are deprived of the benefits of education by ungenerous constructions of existing laws; in some, by the absence of all legal provision for their instruction, and in others by the existence of legal prohibitions; thus leaving a wide field open for the benevolent operations of those who feel an interest in raising the degraded African from a state of ignorance which is a reproach to the age and country in which we live.
As regards the capacity of colored children to acquire knowledge, when the opportunity is afforded them, many facts might be collected to shew that they are by no means deficient in intellect; that the minds of many of them are of quick perception, and capable of arriving at considerable degrees of eminence in scientific research; in short, that nothing but the means of instruction are wanting to the poor colored child, to elevate him to that station in society which he is entitled to upon every principle of justice and humanity; which his and our Creator, no doubt, designed he should occupy, and from which he is debarred by the cruel hand of injustice and oppression.
If these views are correct, it is much to be lamented that instruction has been so long withheld from thousands of these objects of pity, and our efforts ought to be so directed as to repair or remove the evil. Under these impressions, we earnestly recommend to the friends of emancipation and equal rights, that they give to this subject the solemn consideration which its importance so loudly demands, and adopt such measures as may appear best calculated to dissipate the cloud of ignorance by which the present colored generation is enveloped, and succeeding ones threatened. If those measures are pursued with a zeal worthy of such a cause, we trust your labors will be crowned with success, and the benevolent heart will expect no richer reward.434
To the Citizens of the United States
The American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the condition of the African race, now convened in the city of Baltimore, most respectfully takes the liberty of addressing you on the important subject of the gradual extinction of Slavery in the District of Columbia.
It is doubtless well understood, by our fellow citizens generally, that this District is the property of the nation—that the laws for the government thereof emanate from the representatives of the people, in Congress assembled, and that all who are entitled to the elective franchise in every State of the Union, have an equal right to express their sentiments, and urge the adoption of measures, relative to the abolition of the system of Slavery therein.
We are well aware that some will contend for the legality of Slavery, as tolerated in some parts of the United States, and insist that the question of its abolition should be left to the decision of the people of the District, themselves. When we consider that slaves are, generally, viewed as property, this kind of reasoning assumes a specious appearance: yet it must be borne in mind, that the inhabitants of the District of Columbia are not represented in any legislative body; but that the sovereignty over that particular section of the country is vested in the people of the States—And when we reflect, that the question has long since been settled whether a legislative body possesses the right to enact laws for the prohibition or extinction of Slavery—that it has indeed been acted on, by several of the State Legislatures, and also by Congress—we think that no reasonable doubt can be entertained as to the expediency of the measure in the present case. It is well known that a very large proportion of the citizens of the United States are inimical to the system of Slavery; and it is believed by many intelligent persons, who are themselves residents of the District of Columbia, that a great majority of the inhabitants thereof are desirous for its total abolition. Viewing the subject in this light, we cannot, for a moment, hesitate in urging your attention to it.
The friends of Universal Emancipation, in several of the States, viz. North Carolina, Tennessee, Maryland, &c. have for several years memorialized Congress upon this important subject; but as a few, comparatively speaking, were thus heard to express their sentiments, little notice has yet been taken of their petitions. At the last session, a memorial, against the perpetuation of the cruel system, was presented to that body, by the people of the District, themselves. This memorial was signed by about one thousand of the most respectable portion of the inhabitants, among whom were several of the Judges of the District Courts, and even some holders of slaves. Whatever may have been the doubts or scruples entertained by some of our citizens heretofore, respecting the propriety of urging this subject upon the attention of the National Legislature, we conceive that there is no longer cause for hesitation, since a very respectable number of the people of the District have themselves raised their voice in its favour; and, as we have before stated, it is also believed that by far the greater number are favourably disposed towards it.
That the discussion of this question may excite a lively interest, both in and out of Congress, and that whatever measures may be proposed, for promoting the object in view, will meet with violent opposition, from the advocates of Slavery, we are well aware. All past experience teaches us that this is to be expected. Not only the opponents of emancipation in the south may be expected to throw impediments in our way, but the prejudice against the unfortunate and degraded Africans, and the self-interest of many others will also be arrayed against us. Yet we would calmly and dispassionately appeal to the good sense of the people of this nation—to those who exercise the sovereign authority in this great republic—this boasted land of freedom and equal rights—and recommend the serious consideration of this very important subject. We most earnestly beseech them to weigh well the consequences of tolerating within the limits of this District, a system that has uniformly proved destructive to every nation that long permitted its continuance. But most especially, we would appeal to them as Christians and Philanthropists; and urge them by all the feelings of humanity and benevolence—by all the ties of social affection that binds man to his fellow man—by a due regard to the immutable principles of justice, mercy, and consistency—and by every desire for the perpetuation of our free institutions and the peace and happiness of our posterity,—to come forth in their might, and exert every moral energy to arrest the march of this gigantic evil, ere it overwhelms us, and precipitates us into the vortex of corruption and despotism.
Not only do we consider the honour of the nation as implicated by the toleration of Slavery in the District of Columbia; but the example has a most deleterious and pernicious effect even upon those whose education and habits have opposed it, when they come within the range of its influence. As a proof of the correctness of this opinion, we need only advert to the conduct of sundry persons who have acted in the capacity of representatives to Congress from non-slave holding states. We have reason to believe that they have thus in some instances become so insensible of the evils of the anti-christian practice as to disregard the will of their constituents, and join with its advocates in the adoption of measures for its extension and perpetuation. And we fear that this state of things cannot be remedied until the people of the United States in general turn their attention to the subject, and adopt measures for the extinction of the odious system, wheresoever it can be done, consistently with the Constitution of the Republic.
From statements submitted to this Convention, we are glad to find that this subject has already arrested the attention of a respectable portion of our fellow citizens, in different parts of the Union. Petitions and memorials, we learn, are preparing in many places for signatures, which will, in due season be laid before Congress. It is also understood that efforts will soon be made by some of the members of that body, to effect the great and desirable object. Let, then, all who are sincerely desirous to wipe from our moral escutcheon this crimson stain, come forward at this interesting crisis, and raise their voice in favour of the great principle of universal liberty, and the inalienable rights of man.
Signed by order, and on behalf of the Convention.435
To the Public
"The American Convention for promoting the abolition of slavery and improving the condition of the African race," having met for the first time at the city of Washington, deem it proper to address the public in general, relative to the objects and present prospects of the Institution.
We do not consider it necessary to enter into a detail of the history of our proceedings, in this address; neither shall we attempt to adduce any argument to prove the justice of our cause. The first is within the reach of those generally, who take an interest in the success of our undertaking; the last stands undenied and undeniable, among men of the least pretensions to virtue and candor. But having located this Convention at the seat of the National Government, many of our fellow citizens, who have never acquainted themselves with our proceedings, may be desirous to know the objects we have in view, as well as our prospects of success. A compliance with a wish so reasonable, we deem incumbent on us; and we shall frankly state our views and ultimate design.
The sole aim and end of this Convention ever has been, and now is, the abolition of slavery and improvement of the African race, (as its title imports,) in the United States, upon the principles of justice, equity and safety. The means by which it seeks to accomplish this great work, are:
1st. To enlighten the public mind, relative to the actual state of the slave system.
2nd. To concentrate the opinions and labors of philanthropists in every portion of the country, respecting the adoption of measure for its abolition.
3d. To give efficiency to the labors of individuals, and the various kindred associations in different parts of the Union, by petitions and memorials to the constituted authorities, accompanied by such information as may be useful to them.
4th. To point out the best and most practical modes of lessening the evils resulting from that system, during its existence in this republic.
With these views the Convention was originally organized, and upon these principles it has ever proceeded. It has been eminently successful in promoting the cause of emancipation in that portion of the Union, where it was at first located; and we consider it strictly within the bounds of reason to infer, from past experience, that it will exert a salutary influence where it is now established. As the light of liberty advances, and the bright luminary of truth shines through the mists of popular error, the labors of the advocates of emancipation will be duly appreciated and their laudable exertions crowned with success.
If we may be allowed to compare the exertions of philanthropists at the present day, with those of former periods in the history of our country, the most sanguine anticipations of future success may be indulged. Within little more than half a century, few, very few, and most of them possessed of comparatively little influence in the political circles, were known to advocate our cause. Now thousands are enlisted in it, some of whom are among the most influential characters in the nation. Then, the system of slavery was tolerated within the limits of the United States, from the Mississippi to the western confines of Massachusetts, and from the Atlantic to the farthest north-western frontier. Now, the vast extent of country, comprising the states of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, in the whole of which slavery was permitted to exist, is almost totally freed from the foul pollution. And further, a law has been enacted and enforced, positively prohibiting its extension beyond the line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, north latitude, in all the territory belonging to the republic. This great and important work has unquestionably been accomplished by the active labors of those who have exerted themselves to show the impropriety of continuing to tolerate the system, and the feasibility of its total extinction.
From this view of the subject we draw the conclusion, that as "like causes produce like effects," we have sufficient ground for the belief, that by a faithful perseverance in the same course of benevolence, the same happy results will follow. We frankly admit that where the evil of slavery is felt to a greater extent than in the states to which we have adverted, not only must greater exertions be used, but even the plans of proceeding must be somewhat varied. Yet we contend that the same grand object must be kept constantly in view, and the same leading principles ever be acted on, to produce the desired result.
In locating this Convention at the city of Washington, we are actuated by the hope that influential men from different parts of the Union, may thereby become more ultimately acquainted with our proceedings, and so far as they may approve thereof, be induced to co-operate with us. From the very nature of the principles which we profess, it will be seen that our success depends wholly on the united exertions of the wise and virtuous. Our plans being entirely of a pacific character and having nothing in view but what is consistent with the welfare and happiness of all, we confidently rely on the wisdom of the patriot and philanthropist, and the good sense of our free, enlightened fellow-citizens, for the realization of our hopes, and the consummation of our important undertaking.436
BOOK REVIEWS
The Bantu, Past and Present. By S. M. Molema. Edinburgh, W. Green and Son, Limited. Pp. 398. Price, 25/net.
This is an ethnographical and historical study of the native races of South Africa. The author of the work is a member of the race whose life he has described. To some extent, then, he has told here his own story, "relying somewhat on the life of the people in interpreting the psychological aspect which must be invaluable to a foreigner." As this book, however, is replete with quotations from various works of white men who have seen the country only from the outside, and the work contains no evidence that the writer has extensively traveled in his own native land, it drifts too much in the direction of a summary of what these various travelers have thought of Africa. The book, moreover, is not altogether scientific; and fraught with too many of the opinions of others who should know less about Africa than the native himself, it does not satisfy the need for a definitive account of the life and history of the various peoples of South Africa. On the whole, however, it is far in advance of most works bearing on the achievement of that continent and is certainly a step in the right direction, when the story of Africa will be told as it must be told by the native of Africa himself.
The book begins with an interesting introduction of that part of the work called The Revelation, which consists of an account of the antiquity of man in Africa, prehistoric Africa, the unveiling of South Africa and the distribution of the primitive races. In that portion of the work styled The Past there is a valuable summary of African ethnology, setting forth the various stocks of the southern part of the continent, their manners and customs, moral conduct, religious beliefs and language. This portion of the work is valuable, because it is a brief summary of valuable matter scattered through a large number of volumes.
In that part of the work styled The Present there is much matter which may be found in almost any history of Africa. What is said about missionaries, missions, the South African wars, and the like, may be found in various works, and in some more extensively treated. In those chapters bearing on the education of the Bantu, the relation of the races and the attitude of the government to the natives, there are adequately set forth the race problem in that part of the world and the effort toward its solution as expressed in such strivings of the natives as the Bantu National Congress and the Bantu Press. There is, moreover, the reaction of an intelligent native of Africa to the impressions made upon him by the European civilization there implanted.
The author does not seem to be very hopeful. On the whole, the ring of the book is rather pessimistic. Yet he mentions intellectual possibilities as well as impossibilities, bright prospects for religious developments as well as an unfavorable religious outlook, social and economic prospects favorable and unfavorable, and finally the hope that relations between the races may be amicably adjusted so as to secure to the black and white the privileges of a common government.
An American History. By Davis Saville Muzzey, Ph.D. Revised edition. New York, Ginn and Company, 1920. Pp. 537.
This new edition of the author's former work brings the narrative down to the spring months of the year 1920. The author has entirely recast that part of the book following the Spanish war and has made considerable changes in the preceding chapters to emphasize the social and economic factors in our history. Some illustrative material has been added, the maps have been improved and the bibliographical references brought down to date.
This book follows the line of the most recent writers of American history in giving less attention to the problems of the early periods to treat somewhat in detail movements culminating in our day. It does not contain so much about the discovery and exploration of the new world and gives only limited space to colonial history. The treatment of the birth of the nation, the development of the Constitution and the rise of political parties, is more interesting. The author is more elaborate in his discussion of the sectional struggle between the North and South, the crisis of disunion and the Civil War. The drama of reconstruction, however, is decidedly neglected; but the problems confronting the people thereafter are more extensively treated.
When a reader in quest of the truth has read this text-book of American History, however, he will be compelled to ask the question as to why there appears throughout this volume references to the achievements of all groups influencing the history of this country, and there is no mention whatever of what the Negroes, constituting a tenth of the population of the United States, have thought and felt and done. It is unreasonable to think that such a large element of the nation could be so closely connected with it without having decidedly influenced the shaping of its destiny, and history shows that the record of the Negro race in the western hemisphere is so creditable and far-reaching that it is impossible to write the history of the United States and omit the achievements of this group. Professor Muzzey's American History, therefore, is not a balanced and unprejudiced account of the rise and progress of the United States, but such a treatise as he believes that the American mind will absorb, and such a story as conforms with the biased minds of pseudo-American historians who do not desire to publish to posterity the achievements of all the people of this country.
The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1918, Volume II. The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren. By John C. Fitzpatrick. Washington, 1920. Pp. 808.
This autobiography of Martin Van Buren was presented to the Library of Congress by Mrs. Smith Thompson Van Buren in 1905, at the same time when the Van Buren papers were presented to the Library. It is a manuscript copy in seven folio volumes, made by Smith Thompson Van Buren, the son and literary executor of the President, from Van Buren's original draft. The editor reports that portions of Volumes VI and VII are in another hand and the last fifteen pages of the manuscript have many changes and corrections by Van Buren himself. A portion of the book was edited by Mr. Worthington C. Ford. The notes of Van Buren himself are distinguished by letters from the numbered notes of the editor of the work.
A study of this manuscript leads the editor of this work to the conclusion that it is written "with engaging frankness, and the insight it afforded to the mental processes of a master politician is deeply interesting." Van Buren's desire to be scrupulously fair in his estimates is evident, and if he did not always succeed, his failures are not discreditable. Mr. Fitzpatrick does not believe that the autobiography compels a revision of established historical judgments, although it "presents authority for much in our political history hitherto somewhat conjectural and records political motives and activities of the period in an illuminating and suggestive manner." On reading this work one must agree with its editor that, "in analyzing men and measures, Van Buren all unconsciously paints a picture of himself."
For students of Negro history certain parts of this work are both interesting and valuable. This is especially true of Chapter XI, in which Van Buren sets forth his own views on the slavery question and discusses the men and their measures proposed for dealing with it. This chapter not only gives a review of the history of slavery in the United States up to the time of the crisis of thirties, but brings out additional facts throwing light upon the situation at that time. In the beginning of Chapter XVIII, and on pages 528-529, Van Buren takes up the question of the concession of Great Britain by treaty stipulation of the right of search to prevent the prosecution of the slave trade under our flag, which he considered merely a pretense on the part of Great Britain for the impressment of our seamen. Near the end of Chapter XXX may be found other interesting comments and facts concerning the action of the leading statesmen of this country during the critical period of conflicting sectional interests. Much of the book has to do with slavery directly or indirectly, but those portions referred to may be of special interest to the reader.
Two Colored women with the American Expeditionary Forces. By Addie W. Hunton and Katherine M. Johnson. New York, Brooklyn Eagle Press, 1920. Pp. 256.
This is one of the first volumes published since the war to set forth the truth concerning the participation of the Negro troops in that struggle. While their achievements have evoked appreciative expressions from those who learned of the war from afar, this volume undertakes to present the observations of two women of culture who went forth with these black soldiers to war. The story is set forth in an interesting manner, under such topics as The Call and the Answer, The First Days in France, Welfare Organizations, The Combatant Troops in contradistinction to the Non-Combatant Troops, Pioneer Infantries, Over the Canteen in France, The Leave Area, Relationship with the French and the Religious Life Among the Troops. Many of these facts do not strike the reader as new, but the human touch given the story by these authors, who participated in the events themselves, makes the volume readable, interesting, and valuable.
The work is otherwise significant. From chapter to chapter there appear various documents giving unconsciously convincing evidence as to the part the Negro troops played in the war. While the authors make no pretense to scientific treatment, they have certainly facilitated the task of the historian who must undertake the writing of a definitive history of the Negroes' participation in the World War. The book, moreover, is well illustrated and well printed. It will be read with interest and profit by all persons who seek the truth and endeavor to record impartially the achievements of the various elements constituting the population of this country.
The greatest value of this work, however, lies not so much in the interesting facts set forth and the beautiful story told, as in the example set by these women of achievement. They are writing not only to convince the present generation as to the important service rendered by the Negro troops in France, but they would hand down these facts in printed form that coming generations may not be so biased as the present in estimating the character of the Negro and his worth to the nation. It is to be hoped that every Negro who, during his service at the front, received such impressions and had such experiences as to throw light upon the many phases of that world cataclysm will in the near future follow the example of these worthy women. The public will welcome history of divisions and regiments and will certainly be interested in the mere personal narrative presenting the experiences peculiar to those individuals placed in strategic positions to see at close range what was actually happening and had the time and availed themselves of the opportunity to record it.
