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Pizarro meanwhile, like the typical soldier of fortune of that age, had been enjoying the hour of sunshine, forgetful of the past, and not too much troubled about the future. Although no one ever questioned his leadership, he was not a leader to dispense with counsel; and his two chief advisers were still Cepeda and Carbajal. The advice he had of late received from each seems to have been the reverse of that which they had respectively given him when it was a question of the terms in which he should reply to the letters of the Emperor and of Gasca. Whilst Carbajal on the one hand now advised him to abandon Cuzco and retreat to the mountains, leaving an impoverished city behind him, he was urged by Cepeda on the other hand to make terms with the President. But Pizarro rejected either advice. He was, in fact, determined to stand the hazard of the die. The fortune which had stood his friend under the desperate circumstances in which he had been deserted by Orellana on the Amazons, and which had lately come to his rescue against enormous odds in his late engagement, might still stand him in good stead.

But in fact his fortune in these later times was in the sagacious advice and experience of Carbajal. It was the forethought and skill of that veteran that had won the victory of Huarina, and had Pizarro now listened to his voice he might still have continued lord of Peru. When the tidings came that the enemy were across the stream, the veteran saw that the moment had arrived which was to decide the struggle. He felt that he was the man to profit by the opportunity, and he pleaded with his commander to be allowed to go forward to the scene of action. In an evil hour for himself Pizarro refused his request, saying that he could not spare him so far away. Meanwhile the work of the bridge was rapidly pushed forward, and long ere the young cavalier who had been put in the place of Carbajal had reached his destination, the President’s force was in a position to defy him.

There was now only a question of the choice of a spot on which the final battle was to be fought. Pizarro determined to abandon Cuzco and to await his opponents in a valley five leagues distant. Even at this moment the President, having crossed the Andes and the river Apurimac, and being in force greatly superior to that of his antagonist, showed his utter absence of personal ill-feeling towards the latter, and also perhaps his appreciation of the difficulties which had brought him into his present position, by giving him one last chance of safety. By an emissary of his own he renewed the assurance of pardon to Pizarro in case he should lay down his arms and submit. Such at least is the statement of two Spanish historians, and it is in accordance with the character of the President. At length, on the morning of the 8th of April, the two opposing forces came within sight of each other. The numbers on either side were the reverse of large according to our ideas of the present day; but numbers do not always denote the importance of a battle, and we should remember that a similarly small European force at Plassey decided the fate of Hindostan. It may be remarked that the native Peruvians, for the most part, espoused the cause of Pizarro.

The President wisely left the conduct of the battle to his military officers, who were perfectly competent for the purpose, and he showed his habitual good sense in withdrawing, with his priests and civilians, out of the immediate range of action. The commanders on his side, Hinojosa and Valdivia, were a match for the military skill of Carbajal; and Pizarro himself had more in him of the daring, dauntless cavalier than of the strategic leader. As he had faced the situation with all its consequences plainly set before him, resolving fully to abide them, we cannot bestow much sympathy upon him in his present plight, though we must admire his unshaken courage and constancy. At the decisive moment of his fate he had taken the advice of Cepeda in resisting, in opposition to that of Carbajal; and it was the wretch Cepeda who now betrayed him by galloping over to the enemy in the face of both armies. But this act, although it was contagious, perhaps did Pizarro no considerable harm, for his fate was already sealed.

The leaders on either side gave the word for the advance; but the humane President, anxious to spare the shedding of blood, ordered his men to halt, since the rebel host from its frequent desertions was evidently falling to pieces. The Spaniards on Pizarro’s side deserted him in various directions; some went to seek pardon from the President ere it should be too late; others made for the mountains. Pizarro himself, seeing that there was but one thing for him to do, gave up his sword to the first officer of rank whom he encountered, and by him he was conducted into the presence of the President. The latter, we are told, inquired severely why he had thrown the country into such confusion? why he had revolted? why he had slain the Viceroy? why he had usurped the government? and finally, why he had refused the repeated offers of grace? On his reply, in which he attempted to justify himself, he was ordered into close confinement. Thus terminated the culminating encounter between the royal forces and those of Pizarro, in which the latter on the plain of Xaquixaguana, like those of the Assyrian of old, though “unsmote by the sword,” yet “vanished like snow.”

Gasca, having sent an officer to Cuzco to restrain the excesses which were to be expected, had next to concern himself with the trial of Pizarro and of Carbajal. It was of course a mere form, since they were taken in the act of opposing the royal forces in arms; and there could be no question of mercy, since they had both failed to avail themselves of the offers of the royal clemency repeatedly made. They were accordingly executed; Carbajal, who is said to have been eighty-four years of age, receiving his fate with the utmost indifference, and Pizarro meeting death with the dignified courage which he had ever shown. The estates of both were confiscated. It is satisfactory to add that the traitor Cepeda, though his head was not placed upon the block, yet was not allowed to go free. The President was indeed urged to send him to execution, since it had been by his advice that Pizarro had first refused the offers of grace; but Gasca refrained from doing so on account of the service which Cepeda had rendered the royal cause by his opportune desertion. He was accordingly sent a prisoner to Spain, where he was tried for high treason: during the progress of his trial he died in prison. It may be of interest here to remark that the fate which attended so many of the conquerors of Peru, spared neither Centeno, Hinojosa, nor Valdivia, the three foremost leaders on the side of the President, all of whom were soon afterwards cut off. The President thought it sufficient, in the interests of justice and of example, to execute Acosta and three or four other cavaliers who had surrendered with Pizarro. He then broke up his camp and marched to Cuzco.

On his arrival at the late capital of the Incas, Gasca had before him the task of winding up the affairs incident to the rebellion. Some dozen cavaliers, having been tried and condemned, were executed, whilst others were sentenced to minor punishments; but on the whole, considering the dimensions of the rebellion and the obstinacy of the insurgents in refusing grace, the President certainly does not seem to have acted with undue severity: a stern example was needed. He had now to apportion the rewards that were due to his followers, who, as usually happens in such cases, were not bashful in claiming them. Retiring from Cuzco to a neighbouring valley, attended only by the Archbishop of Lima and by his secretary, Gasca now devoted three months to a patient examination of the respective claims laid before him, and to elaborating a fair scheme of compensation.

This heavy task completed, the President could now retire to Lima, leaving his written decision with the archbishop, to be by him communicated to the army. The effect produced by the document on those respecting whose interests it was to decide, was of course one of disappointment. Each man valued his own services at his own price, and all were displeased at the fancied unfair preference given to others. It required some trouble and even some examples on the part of the commander at Cuzco to repress the tumult of discontent thus occasioned. Gasca was received by the inhabitants of Lima not only with the manifestations of loyalty which were his due as representing the crown, but likewise with every demonstration of gratitude and affection. His entry into the city was, however, strictly in the character of a priest and civilian, and no way in that of a warrior.

At Lima, the capital, a fresh series of business awaited him, for he had now to devise a new government to replace that of Pizarro; but being himself facile princeps in affairs, and being accompanied by able judges, he was enabled soon satisfactorily to despatch an immense amount of business. Nor were the natives neglected, the President devoting his sedulous attention to bettering their condition. He did not omit to send his own agents into different parts of the country, to inspect the allotments and ascertain the manner in which the Peruvians were treated, taking their statements from themselves. As the result of the information thus obtained, Gasca and his council drew up a system of taxation for the Peruvians, which might be a standard of appeal. He did not see his way to relieving them, under present circumstances, from the obligation of personal service, which proposed measure had indeed been the cause of the recent rebellion; but he was careful to provide that their service should be less burdensome than that which they had endured under the sway of the Incas. Their condition, in short, though not in all respects such as philanthropy might wish, was put on as good a footing as colonial exigencies might admit of. Indeed all the firmness of the government was needed to admit of the new regulations being peacefully acquiesced in.

Gasca likewise introduced reforms into the municipal government of the cities; and by financial and other arrangements placed the administration of the colony on such a basis as might afford a fair field for his successors to work on. He had been fifteen months in Lima and nearly three years in Peru; and his work being now accomplished, he was able to turn his face toward Spain, with the satisfaction of having been enabled to pay off the loan he had contracted for the war, exceeding nine hundred thousand pesos. He had, moreover, saved a million and a half ducats for the Government. The President Gasca had indeed proved himself fully deserving of the confidence which had been reposed in him by the Emperor and his advisers. He was a rare instance even amongst the best governors or statesmen of any country or of any period—one who, like General Gordon in our own time, was unconventional and utterly indifferent to the allurements of wealth, or indeed to any other call but that of honour and duty. Before his departure one more instance of his purity of character—if one were needed—was afforded. The Indian caciques, conscious of the benefits which he had rendered their people, and conscious also of the value which all Spaniards hitherto had placed upon the precious metals, offered him a large amount of gold plate in token of their gratitude. On Gasca’s natural refusal to accept it, the poor caciques feared they had fallen under his displeasure. This is not the instance referred to. A number of the colonists, no less grateful for the same reasons, wished to show their esteem in a like manner, and made up a purse for the President of fifty thousand castellanos. There could be no harm, they said, in his accepting this on leaving, as it could not be offered with a view to induce favour for the future. When the President returned it, the colonists, without his knowledge, concealed twenty thousand castellanos on board his vessel, which sum, on his arrival in Spain, not wishing to offend them by returning the donative, he distributed amongst the most needy relatives of the donors whom he could discover.

1550.

In January 1550 the President embarked for Panamá, being followed to the shore by crowds of persons of all ranks and ages, who were alike anxious to render him this last mark of their esteem. In March he was enabled to convey his treasure across the Isthmus, and arrived in safety at Nombre de Dios. There he equipped a fleet of nineteen vessels to transport himself and the royal treasure to Spain. Four years had elapsed since his departure from Seville. So delighted was every one, from the highest to the lowest, at the complete success of his mission, that Gasca was summoned to attend the Emperor at Flanders, where, after profuse acknowledgments of sincere imperial gratitude, he received the only material worldly reward agreeable to him, in the shape of the bishopric of Palencia, at which place he passed the remainder of his life.

Note.—Chapters VI., VII., X., and XI. of vol. I. are founded on “The History of the Conquest of Peru;” by William H. Prescott. Bentley. 1850.

On “The Spanish Conquest in America;” by Arthur Helps. John W. Parker & Son. 1855.

On “History of America;” by William Robertson.

On “Histoire des Etablissemens des Européens dans les deux Indes;” par Raynal (Abbé G. F.)

On “Life of Pizarro;” by Sir Arthur Helps. 1869.

On “Historia general del Peru;” Garcilasso de la Vega.

On “Relacion de los descabrimientos de F. Pizarro y D. de Almagro;” Navarrete, vol. V.

And on “History of the New World;” by Girolamo Benzoni.

CHAPTER XII.
THE ARAUCANIAN WAR

1550-1556

The Araucanians inhabit the delightful region between the Andes and the sea, and between the rivers Bío-bío and Valdivia. They derive the appellation of Araucanians from the province of Arauco. They pride themselves on being called by a native word which signifies “the free.” As a race they are rather tall, muscular, and well proportioned. Their complexions are of a reddish brown, but clearer than that of other native Americans. Their round faces are animated by small eyes full of expression. They have scarcely any beard, and the little hair which grows on their faces is carefully removed. Their women are delicately formed, and many of them are very handsome. Such are their good constitutions, and so healthy is their mode of life, that they live to advanced age, and seldom begin to feel its infirmities before sixty or seventy. They are intrepid, animated, and patient in the endurance of fatigue. Enthusiastic lovers of liberty, they are jealous of their honour, courteous, hospitable, and faithful to their engagements; they are likewise grateful for services, and generous and humane towards their vanquished. These fine qualities are, however, shared by them with others of an opposite nature, namely, ignorance, and a proneness towards debauchery.

The Araucanians clothe themselves in short garments, as being best suited for war. Their dress is made of wool, and consists of a shirt, a vest, short trousers, and a cloak or poncho similar to that worn throughout South America. The prevailing colour of their garments is turquoise blue. Their ponchos are of fine texture, and ornamented with coloured figures of flowers and animals wrought with much skill. They wear on their heads bands of embroidered wool, and round their bodies a girdle of the same material. The women are clad with much modesty and simplicity, their dress being entirely of wool, and consisting of a tunic, a girdle, and a short cloak. They live in scattered villages by the banks of rivers or in easily-irrigated plains. They have strong local attachments, each family preferring to live on the land inherited from its ancestors, and of which they cultivate a portion sufficient for their subsistence.

The political division of the Araucanian state is regulated with much intelligence. It is divided from north to south into four governments, called respectively the maritime country, the plain country, the foot of the Andes, and the Andes. Each government is divided into five provinces, and each province into nine counties. The state consists of three orders of nobility, each being subordinate to the other, and all having their respective vassals. They are the Toquis, the Apo-Ulmenes, and the Ulmenes. The Toquis, or governors, are four in number. They are independent of each other, but confederated for the public welfare. The Arch-Ulmenes govern the provinces under their respective Toquis. The Ulmenes govern the counties. The upper ranks, generally, are likewise comprehended under the term Ulmenes. The badge of the Toqui is a battle-axe. The Apo-Ulmenes and the Ulmenes carry staves with silver heads, the former having a ring of the same metal round the middle of the staff. These various dignities are hereditary in the male line, and proceed by primogeniture.

The code of laws obtaining amongst the Araucanians is primitive, being no more than unwritten usage. They have for their object the preservation of liberty and of the established form of government. The subjects are not liable to a levy or to any kind of personal service, except in time of war; neither are they liable to be called upon to pay contributions to their chiefs. The love of liberty is so ingrained in the people that they cannot endure despotism, and they therefore oppose any attempt to extend the power of their rulers. Whenever the grand council determines to go to war they proceed to the election of a commander, to which dignity the Toquis have the first claim. The general is for the time being dictator, the other authorities taking the oath of obedience to him. On making war, messengers are despatched to the confederate tribes to inform them of the steps taken. The Toqui, or commander, directs the number of soldiers to be furnished by each government, and as each Araucanian is a soldier by birth, an army of five or six thousand men is raised without difficulty. The cavalry are armed with swords and lances; the infantry with pikes or clubs. Strange to say, this race of warriors had not acquired from their Spanish neighbours the art of making gunpowder, at least up to the beginning of the present century.

The Araucanians acknowledge a Supreme Being, the Universal Ruler; and they are all agreed in the belief of the immortality of the soul. Their year, which is solar, begins on the 22nd of December, corresponding to the same day of June in northern latitudes. The year is divided into twelve months, of thirty days each; and in order to complete the tropical year, they intercalate five days. They have, as in Europe, four seasons. The Araucanians cultivate successfully rhetoric, poetry, and medicine. They are polygamists, celibacy being considered as ignominious. Their principal food consists of grain and pulse. Indian corn and potatoes are much esteemed by them. The latter vegetable has been cultivated by their ancestors from time immemorial. They use but little animal food or fish, although their rivers abound with the latter. Their usual drink is beer or cider, and they are extremely fond of wine. Their games are numerous and ingenious, and it is a fact worthy of notice, that amongst them is the game of chess, which was known to these warriors before the advent of the Spaniards. It is called comican, whilst their game of quechu has a great similarity to backgammon.

1550.

The Araucanians having resolved to send succours to the inhabitants of Panco, gave orders to their Toqui to set out forthwith to their assistance with four thousand men. In the year 1550 their general passed the Bio-bio, which river separates the Araucanian territory from that of the Pancones, and offered battle to the invaders. After the first discharge of musketry the Araucanians fell on the front and flanks of the Spaniards, who, forming themselves into a square, received their furious attacks with their accustomed valour, many falling on either side. The battle lasted for several hours, Valdivia having his horse killed under him. The Spaniards were thrown into disorder; but the Araucanians at length withdrew from the field on their general Aillavalu being slain. Valdivia, an experienced soldier, declared that he had never been exposed to such imminent danger, and he showed his respect for the valour and skill of his opponents by constructing a strong fortification, in expectation of a further attack.

No sooner were the Araucanians informed of the death of their general than they sent into the field a still more numerous army under the command of Lincoyan. In the following year the new Toqui marched against the Spaniards, who took shelter under the guns of their fortifications. Lincoyan, however, was a commander of the stamp of Fabius, and, finding his first attack unsuccessful, ordered a precipitate retreat—to the great surprise of Valdivia. So unexpected a result was ascribed to St. Iago, who was seen during the fray mounted on a white horse and armed with a flaming sword. But this miracle, adds the candid ecclesiastical historian¹⁵ from whom we quote, is not entitled to the greater credit from its having been so frequently repeated.

1552.

Valdivia being now freed from the terror of the Araucanians, applied himself with great diligence to building the new city, where he intended to establish his family. In the division of lands he reserved for himself the peninsula lying between the mouths of the rivers Bio-bio and Andalien. The city progressed rapidly, and he employed himself in regulating its internal police. His statutes discover much prudence and humanity respecting the treatment of the natives. Believing that the Araucanians were now daunted, he resolved to take the initiative in attacking them; and with this intention, in the year 1552, he passed the Bio-bio and proceeded to the river Canten. At the confluence of this stream with the Damas he founded another city, to which he gave the name of Imperial.

Carried away by his unopposed successes, he now displayed the customary liberality of the Spanish conqueror in disposing of the property which did not belong to him. Supposing that he had vanquished the most valiant nation of Chili, he assigned to his followers the surrounding district. To Villagran, his lieutenant, he made over the province of Maquegua, with thirty thousand inhabitants. Other officers obtained from eight to twelve thousand natives, with lands in proportion; whilst Alderete was despatched with sixty men to form a settlement on the shore of Lake Laquen. To this was given the name of Villarica, from the quantity of gold found near it. Valdivia himself, still undisturbed by the Araucanians, continued his march towards the south, where he founded his sixth city, which he called Valdivia, being the first Spanish conqueror who thus sought to perpetuate his name. This settlement, which, like Imperial, enjoyed but a brief existence, is now only represented by its fortress.

Valdivia, satisfied with his acquisitions, retraced his steps, and on his return march erected a fortress in each of the three provinces of Puren, Tucapel, and Arauco. Without reflecting on the enormous extent of country which he had to defend with so small a force, he on his return to St. Iago despatched Aguirre, with two hundred men, to conquer the provinces of Cujo and Tucuman on the eastern side of the Andes. In the province of Encol Valdivia founded his seventh and last city, to which he gave the name of the City of the Frontiers, an appellation which, although he could not have foreseen it, is singularly applicable to the position of its ruins to-day, situated as it is on the frontier of Chili and the Argentine Republic. On his return to Conception he sent Alderete to Spain with a large sum of money and an account of his conquests. He was to solicit for him in return the perpetual government of the conquered country, with the title of Marquis of Arauco.

Whilst Valdivia was employed in maturing his extensive plans, which included the opening up of a direct communication with Europe by way of the Straits of Magellan, there was a leading mind at work on the side of the Araucanians with a view to thwarting the schemes of the governor of Chili. An aged Ulmen of the province of Arauco, named Colocolo, having quitted his retirement, traversed the Araucanian provinces, inciting his countrymen to zeal towards the deliverance of their country. As a practical step towards this end, he implored them to make choice of a new general to replace the dilatory Lincoyan. The age and experience of Colocolo gave him weight with his countrymen; and, accordingly, the Ulmenes, who were already of his opinion, assembled to deliberate concerning the election. There were many competitors for the office of general; but all at length concurred in the selection of Colocolo, which fell upon the Ulmen Caupolican, an officer whose subsequent career fully justified the choice.

The new general having assumed the axe which was the badge of his authority, immediately appointed as officers to serve under him each one of his competitors, and even his predecessor. The Araucanians had such confidence in their new Toqui that they clamoured to be led at once against the Spaniards; but their chief repressed this ardour until they should be in a suitable condition to meet them in the field. When they were so, he commenced his operations by a stratagem which was suggested by an accident. A party of eighty natives, allies of the Spaniards, were conducting forage to the neighbouring post of Arauco. For these, who fell into his hands, Caupolican substituted a similar number of his own men, whom he directed to keep their arms concealed in the bundles of grass, and to take possession of the gates of the fortress until he should come to their assistance. The stratagem succeeded so far that the guard was surprised and disarmed. The remainder of the garrison, however, succeeded in driving out the Araucanians and raising the drawbridge just as their countrymen approached. The fortress was then attacked, but unsuccessfully, when Caupolican determined to reduce the place by famine.

After several sallies, the Spaniards resolved to abandon the fort and to retire to Puren. Caupolican having destroyed this fortress, led his troops to attack that of Tucapel, the commander of which likewise retreated to Puren. This fort was also destroyed. No sooner had Valdivia, who was at that time in Conception, learned of the siege of Arauco, than he marched upon that place with such forces as he could muster. On approaching within a short distance of the enemy’s encampment, he sent forward Diego del Oro to reconnoitre with ten horsemen. This detachment falling in with a party of Araucanians, were all slain and their heads were suspended to trees. The Spanish soldiers, on arriving at the spot, were so filled with horror at the unlooked-for spectacle, that they were anxious to return. Their commander, too, felt some misgiving at having disregarded the advice of some of his senior officers, who had dissuaded him from advancing; but he nevertheless continued his march, and on the 3rd of December 1553 came in sight of the enemy’s camp.

1553

The two armies continued for a long time to observe each other. At length Mariantu, who commanded the right of the Araucanians, moved against the left of the Spaniards, who marched to meet him. This detachment was surrounded and cut in pieces, as was another which was sent to its assistance. The action soon became general, both sides displaying equal valour, and having an equally brave example in their respective commanders. The Araucanians, notwithstanding the slaughter made amongst them by the firearms of the enemy, continued to supply with fresh troops the places of those who were slain. At length, after a great loss, they were thrown into confusion and began to give way, notwithstanding the heroic exhortations of their leaders.

It was at this crisis that a young hero appeared upon the scene in the person of Lautaro, an Araucanian youth of sixteen years of age, whom Valdivia had formerly taken prisoner and caused to be baptised and made his page. Lautaro, quitting the Spaniards, loudly reproached his retreating countrymen, and exhorted them to continue the combat, as their opponents, spent with fatigue, were no longer able to resist them. At the same time grasping a lance, he led the way to victory, which at once declared itself for the Araucanians. Of the Spanish army only two escaped. These were Promaucians, who concealed themselves in a neighbouring wood.

Valdivia, seeing that all was lost, had retired with his chaplain to prepare for death. He was, however, pursued and taken, and was brought before Caupolican. He pleaded humbly for his life, promising solemnly to quit Chili with all his followers. Lautaro interceded for his life, which the Araucanian general was disposed to grant; but whilst he was deliberating on the subject, an aged Ulmen, who had taken the measure of Spanish good faith towards natives, was so enraged to hear the talk of mercy that he lost his self-control. Calling out that they must be mad to trust the promises of an enemy who would laugh at his oaths so soon as he was free, he despatched Valdivia with a blow from his club. Caupolican was exasperated at this proceeding, but it was applauded by the majority of his officers. Thus fell the conqueror of Chili, a man endowed, unquestionably, with a great mind and with superior powers of organization and of governing, as well as with excellent military talents. The modern Chilians may look back with satisfaction upon the founder of their State as on one whose name is unstained by the horrible cruelties towards the natives which attach to the memories of the conquerors of Peru. Even at the time of the outbreak after the settlement at St. Iago, it is to Valdivia’s credit that he merely cast the ringleaders into prison. Pizarro would have ruthlessly burned them.