Kitabı oku: «Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial Period; Vol. 1», sayfa 18

CHAPTER XVI.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JESUITS IN PARAGUAY

1608-1648

The town of Buenos Ayres, once permanently established, soon became a considerable place; and that notwithstanding its incommodious and unsafe harbour. Forty years after its foundation (1620) it was declared a separate colony, which was to comprise all the regions in La Plata below the confluence of the Paraguay and the Paraná. It likewise became the seat of a bishop, and in fifty years from its foundation numbered as many inhabitants as Asuncion. The colony of Tucuman had been founded in 1564, but it did not, like Paraguay, have the advantage of river communication with the ocean, nor did it benefit by the direction of a master mind such as that of Irala. Notwithstanding this, the jurisdiction of the governor of Tucuman was in 1596 extended over Paraguay. The governor deputed a very able substitute to administer the latter province in the person of Hernando Saavedra, whose capacity for administration is considered to have been only surpassed by that of Irala.

1608.

Saavedra, after much exploration in the territories inhabited by the native tribes, deemed that it would be better to attach rather than to weaken or exterminate them, and that for this purpose it would be advisable to use every means for converting them to Christianity. For this end he appealed to the court of Spain, and in 1608 Philip III. took the memorable decision of issuing the royal letters-patent to the Order of Jesus for the conversion of the Indians of the province of Guayrá, which district comprised both banks of the upper Paraná to the east of Asuncion. In this region the towns of Onteveros, Ciudad Real, and Villa Rica had been founded as early as 1554 by Don Ruy Diaz de Melgarejo.

1610.

Two Jesuit priests reached Asuncion in 1610, the modest vanguard of a formidable army. From the very date of their arrival they displayed the usual zeal of their order, and the first reduction was established on the upper Paraná. It was called Loreto, and the neighbouring natives were invited to resort thither, to receive instruction and to become members of the community, which was entirely under Jesuit control. As others of the order arrived, other reductions were formed. On reaching Asuncion the earliest Jesuit Fathers found the colony distracted by rivalries and controversies between the secular and the religious authorities. The first bishop of Paraguay was a Franciscan.

The policy which had been initiated and pursued by Irala of incorporating the natives with the governing body had fallen into at least partial disuse. Although the natives of Paraguay had not to complain of the same harsh treatment from their Spanish conquerors as had the Peruvians, their condition still left much to desire. They were not slaves in name, nor could they be purchased or sold, but they were nevertheless compelled to labour in the interest of others who had no responsibility for their care or support. The priests, as befitting their character, were willing and anxious to better their condition; but the colonists were loth to permit their interference in secular matters. Still their presence was not without its result, if only in its leading to its being considered more respectable to treat the natives as human beings rather than as the lower animals. Such being the state of society on the arrival of the Jesuits, whose professed object was the redemption of the natives, their coming was by no means welcomed by the colonists.

Asuncion was, however, for the meantime spared, for the scene of action of the first Jesuit Fathers was at some three hundred miles’ distance in the three settlements above mentioned. Of these settlements, and of the reduction of Loreto, scarcely a vestige now remains. The early settlers suffered so much from the natives and from the hostile Portuguese, that the province was abandoned. Twice was the site of Villa Rica changed, and the present town of that name dates from 1678. The Fathers then descending the river, established themselves in the district of Misiones, on the left bank of the Paraná, a district which is at the present day, and has long been, in dispute between Brazil and her neighbour. The early success of the Jesuits in converting the natives was very remarkable; but it may be as well to remember that it is the Jesuits themselves, and not independent writers, who have chronicled the fact. The Paraguayans, they say, not only embraced the faith, but voluntarily entered the reductions, and accepted the rule of the spiritual teachers. Before their coming the name of the foreigner had been terrible. The Spaniards, disappointed in finding gold, had taken possession of the territory, forcing the Paraguayans to a lot of unrequited drudgery. The Jesuits, however, had come to live and to die amongst them, seeking nothing for themselves but to be allowed to teach the arts of civilization and to show the way to paradise. It is not surprising that the contrast between their ways and those of their secular countrymen should have won the natives’ confidence. Indeed, as one of the conditions granted by the crown to the founders of the reductions was that these were to be free from all colonial control, the Paraguayans would at first sight seem to be the gainers by entering them. It was one of the principles of the order that the natives should not be subjected to unrecompensed labour.

It is somewhat remarkable that whilst the system and labours of the Jesuits in Paraguay are spoken of by most Protestant writers with almost unqualified praise, they are denounced in unmeasured terms by their Catholic rivals the Franciscans. It is not to be questioned that the early members of the order—the immediate disciples of Loyola—were actuated in their mission by no other motive than the most self-sacrificing and disinterested zeal; but these men were succeeded by others of a different stamp, and as time wore on the Jesuit rulers of Paraguay might enjoy a life of indolence and luxury. During the first twenty-five years of their mission they founded no less than ten towns; but the historian Azara points out that these twenty-five years precisely coincides with the time when the Portuguese furiously persecuted the natives in order to sell them into slavery. The frightened fugitives took refuge in the region between the Uruguay and the Paraná, and crowded into the Jesuit towns. During the following hundred years or more only one other town was established. Thus it appears that Portuguese rapacity had not a little to do with the establishment of Jesuit rule at Paraguay.

The career of the Jesuits, however, was not destined to run on with uniform smoothness. A governor of Paraguay was appointed whose policy and interest were not in unison with theirs. Cespedes was married to a Portuguese lady, whose sympathies were rather with her man-stealing countrymen than with the people ruled over by her husband. During his visit at Rio de Janeiro on his way to his government, Cespedes, it is said, so far fell into the hands of the Brazilians as to make a bargain with them by which he was to assist them in kidnapping those whom he had been sent to govern and protect. He resolved to pass by land to Asuncion. The first point he reached within Spanish territory was Loreto, on the banks of a tributary of the Paraná. There the Jesuits awaited his coming with joyful anticipation, which was soon to be changed to dismay. The estates of the Señora Cespedes in Brazil were in need of labourers, and the conscientious governor made a pact with the slave-hunters to facilitate their operations on condition of receiving six hundred of their captives. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the missionary establishments of Guayrá should have fallen an easy prey. The early neophytes were carried off by thousands and sold into slavery. Having no protection to look for at Asuncion, the remainder fled, to the number of twelve thousand. The Fathers accompanied them until they were, as they thought, at a safe distance in the region now known as Misiones. In their new reductions the Jesuits continued their work of proselytizing, and, after the dismissal of Cespedes, tried various means of acquiring influence at Asuncion. Nor were they unsuccessful. The natives not unnaturally preferred their rule to that of the civil authorities, and consequently the reductions grew powerful. The result was that the government became jealous, and that the Franciscans, headed by the bishop, took means to rid themselves of their successful neighbours and rivals.

The Jesuits appealed to Spain and likewise to the Pope, with the result that their representative obtained for them a royal grant, which rendered the missions independent of the government of Paraguay. They were likewise permitted to provide the natives with firearms, to be used in self-defence. When the next raid was made by the slave-hunters, they were so well received that, though they were a thousand in number, few escaped to tell of their surprise and defeat. The missions were no more troubled by men-stealers from Brazil.

1644.

But the Jesuits had still to contend with the rival ecclesiastics of Asuncion. The Bishop of Paraguay, Cardenas, was at this time a prominent figure. He is said to have hated the Jesuits with a fervour which is seldom more evoked than in religious animosities; but he by no means confined his attention to them. It was an age when all men dreaded the curse of Rome, and Cardenas was nothing loth to use this terrible weapon. Amongst others who fell under his ban was Hinostrosa, the governor of the colony, who had ventured to differ from him upon some matter which does not appear. The people were scandalized at the governor’s disgrace; and in fear of a tumult the bishop withdrew from the capital. He was followed by the penitent governor, who sought and obtained the removal of the anathema. The bishop having now the civil as well as the spiritual power virtually in his hands, lost no time in making it felt by the Jesuits. They were prohibited from preaching within Asuncion, and their schools were closed. But if the governor was subdued by the ecclesiastical authority, the Viceroy of Charcas and his council were not. The governor of Paraguay was severely reprimanded for having submitted himself to an arrogant prelate, who was in turn denounced, and was compelled to retire for some years from Asuncion.

1648.

On his return to that city, the governor died; and as in this emergency the choice of a successor lay with the people, the Bishop Cardenas was now elected to rule in his stead. Once more he was in possession of full power, and once more he lost no time in proclaiming his determination to use it for the expulsion of the Jesuits. Having, under threats of excommunication, collected a large crowd of people capable of bearing arms, he demanded the surrender of the Jesuits’ College. In vain its rector protested that his order exercised their rights under a royal grant. The doors were forced open, and the priests and neophytes were driven out. These having been brought to the river, were placed in boats and cast adrift without sail or oar. The college was then sacked, and the statues of Loyola and Xavier dragged from their pedestals. This violence was the natural prelude of the bishop’s own fall. He was summoned for trial before the Grand Council of Peru, and finally deposed from all authority.

The deposition of Cardenas was the signal for the recall of the Jesuits, and for some time to come they were masters of the situation. There still existed, however, continual jealousy and discord between them and the Franciscans; and the civil authorities were disposed to side with the latter. The Jesuits nevertheless applied themselves with undiminished earnestness to acquire power in Asuncion. By establishing and controlling the schools, they obtained the direction of the rising generation; and the missions were by this time rich and nourishing. Outside the reductions the natives preferred the Jesuit rule to that of the civil authorities, as the former repudiated slavery; whilst within the reductions the servitude to which they were subjected was disguised under another name. It was labour for the common benefit.

The systems of the Spanish governors and of the Jesuit Fathers, respectively, were widely different, and require some explanation. From the first advent of the former a mixed race gradually sprung up. The Spaniards brought with them few if any women, and if a certain proportion of Spanish ladies arrived later they were not in sufficient numbers to affect the general rule, which was that the Spanish settlers were allied to Guaraní wives. Thus was formed the modern mixed Paraguayan race. In a very short time, therefore, by means of the ties of relationship, a strong sympathy grew up between the Spaniards and the Guaranís or those of Guaraní blood, and a recognition of this fact formed the basis of the plan of government founded by the great Irala. The lot of the natives of Paraguay, as compared with the natives of the other Spanish dominions in the New World, was far from being a hard one. There were no mines to work. The Spaniards came there to settle, rather than to amass fortunes with which to return to Europe. The country was abundantly fertile, and such wealth as the Spaniards might amass consisted in the produce of their fields or the increase of their herds, which were amply sufficient to support them. Consequently all they required of the natives, for the most part, was a moderate amount of service as labourers or as herdsmen, whilst in return they were in a position to impart to the Paraguayans many of the arts of civilization.

The Jesuits, on the other hand, admitted no other Europeans within the bounds of their reductions, and having themselves no ties of kindred by marriage or otherwise with those around them, remained a distinct class apart. Their disciples were not even instructed in the Spanish or any other European tongue, save so much, perhaps, as was implied by their being taught to patter certain prayers by rote. As to their temporal concerns, they laboured, as it was said, for the common weal, but they were, in fact, reduced to a condition of the most utter servitude imaginable. Not only had they, like their native brethren beyond the limits of the reductions, to give their labour in the fields and in tending the herds, but when this was done the whole of their produce—beyond that necessary for their own sustenance—went into the common Jesuits’ fund,—that is to say, went towards building and adorning splendid churches, many of which, with their carved ornaments of the finest wood, remain to this day when the race that produced them is no more. Nor was this the only labour that fell upon such of the natives as were enticed into life-long servitude for “the greater glory of God.” It was necessary to seclude them from the temptations of the outer world, and for this purpose each reduction was converted into a fortress, so contrived as at the same time to preclude the entrance of strangers from without and the exit of disciples from within. The Paraguayans who had submitted themselves to the Jesuits’ absolute sway were thus cunningly made the artificers of the chains that bound them. It is going considerably in advance of the period now in question to advert to the reigns of Francia and the second Lopez, but it may be permitted here to point out that, in thus inducing a system of utter mental and moral imbecility, the Jesuit Fathers are undoubtedly responsible for the untold misery which was brought about under these tyrants, and which at length resulted in the extinction of the Paraguayan race.

The Jesuits have been their own historians; therefore the following details, written by themselves, must be read with the reflection that there was no contemporary critic to bequeath another side of the picture. Quitting the lower banks of the Plata, already covered with innumerable cattle on boundless plains which showed a perpetual verdure, the Jesuits, on their way to their destination, were shocked, on touching at the island of S. Gabriel, by beholding a tribe of idolaters who inspired terror in their neighbourhood and probably still more at home, since we learn that they put their women to death on attaining the age of thirty. After traversing about a thousand miles of river they reached the Guaraní missions, comprising thirty settlements. On the western coast, and further to the north, were the Chiquito missions, with which the others maintained a correspondence, which until the early part of the eighteenth century could only be effected by way of Peru, along a route of eight hundred leagues, intersected by streams only fordable at certain seasons. The shorter way from the Plata to the Chiquito missions was jealously closed by the Guaranís.

The Guaranís were of two classes—hunters and fishermen. The former ignored the use of saddles, but passed their time for the most part on the horses which had followed the Spaniards. The fishermen adored a demon who manifested itself in the form of a large bird. It was at length determined by the Jesuits to attempt to penetrate to the Chiquito settlements of their brethren by way of the Uruguay river; and two Fathers, accompanied by thirty Paraguayan disciples, set out with this object from Asuncion. They had ascended about a hundred leagues when they were met by a boat, carrying Payaguas, who, being placed between two enemies, implored the aid of the Jesuits. To the west were their sworn foes, the Guaycurus; to the east were the Brazilian slave-hunters. This natural cry for help was interpreted as a prayer for admission within the Church’s pale, and one of the Fathers remained with his converts at the Lake of Uberada, while the other proceeded alone towards Peru.

The sudden conversion of the natives, however, which had resulted from terror, lasted only as long as the Jesuits and their party remained sufficiently strong to overawe them. Left with one Father and fifteen Paraguayans, they obtained leave to depart for the purpose of bringing others to share the Father’s instruction. On their return in sufficient numbers to overpower him, fourteen of his Paraguayans were put to death, one being reserved as interpreter; one of the Spanish boatmen was likewise spared to steer the Payaguas to their former haunts. There the interpreter was put to death in the defence of his master, who, however, together with his brother Jesuit, was almost immediately afterwards murdered by the Guaycurus.

About the same period there were in Buenos Ayres some twenty thousand Africans who could not speak Spanish. In order to be able to administer spiritual food to these, Father Chomé studied the tongue of Angola, in which in the course of three months he acquired such proficiency that he was able to persuade himself that the Africans understood his attempts to expound the doctrines of Christianity. His linguistic powers marked him out for service in Peru, but his destination was changed to Paraguay. He was conveyed thither in a covered cart, carrying with him his own bedding and provisions. The neighbourhood of Santa Fè was then infested by the Guaycurus, who were even daring enough to attack that town. They gave no quarter, and carried as trophies the scalps of their victims. Their weapons were bows and arrows, lances and darts, which rebounded by means of a string fastened to the projector’s thumb. Issuing from their ambuscades, and giving utterance to wild cries, they inspired still further terror by their aspect, being enclosed in a suit composed of feathers. They had already attained perfection in horsemanship, now falling flat on the animals’ necks, now swinging their persons beneath their girths and holding on by their feet, or throwing themselves from one side to the other as occasion might require. If it seemed desirable to abandon their steeds and take to the river or thicket, they were as fishes in the former, and could defy the thorns of the latter.

Beset by these savages, Father Chomé was indebted to his escort for his arriving without accident at Santa Fè, where he was still two hundred and twenty leagues from the nearest of the reductions. The carts in use were but little suited to a country intersected by streams, and where bridges were unknown. On reaching a stream the waggon was unloaded and attached to the tails of horses, who struggled as best they could to the opposite shore. Such travellers as could not swim were committed to small boats formed of a single ox-hide, with the almost unnecessary injunction to sit still in them. In the pelotas, too, the loads were transported. From Santa Fè Father Chomé proceeded towards his destination on horseback.

After the greater part of the Guaranís had embraced Christianity, a section still refused to listen to the voice of the missionaries, and sought an asylum in the adjoining mountains. Their grieved would-be converters for a while consoled themselves with the reflection that the sudden change from the burning pampas plains to the snows of the Andes would suffice to exterminate the heathen; but when they were disappointed in this pious wish, and when the tribesmen, who had, on the contrary, increased in numbers, ventured to murder some Dominicans, the vengeance of the authorities was roused, and their mountains were invaded, with the result that many hundreds of them were made prisoners or slain.

The Jesuit missions, where were renewed the innocence and piety of the early Christians, numbered towards the close of the seventeenth century forty large establishments, the most considerable of which included from fifteen to twenty thousand souls. The chief of each mission and the judge were chosen year by year. The fruits of the land were placed in public magazines, from which each family received its allotted share. So remarkable was the innocence of the Guaraní converts that the Fathers own that their pupils’ confessions seldom or never revealed anything to call for absolution. They denied to the Paraguayans any share of inventive genius, but claimed for them on the other hand the greatest powers of imitation. They could make tables, print or copy books, imitate the finest writing, construct musical instruments and watches, draw plans and engrave maps. It was not without labour that their conversion was brought about; but once effected, it was sincere and lasting, and there were no bounds to the attachment they evinced towards their spiritual fathers.

The following extract, translated from Azara, may give some further idea of the system pursued by the Jesuits. The historian’s knowledge is derived from eye-witnesses, and his statements of fact, though not his conclusions, agree with those of the Fathers:—

“The thirty-three Jesuit missions were ruled in the following manner: Two Jesuits resided in each pueblo. The one called the cura had either been provincial or rector in their colleges, or was at least a grave padre. He did not exercise any of the functions of a cura, and frequently did not know the language of the Indians. He occupied himself only with the temporal administration of all the property of the pueblo, of which he was the absolute director. The spiritual department was confided to another Jesuit, called compañero, or vice-cura, subordinate to the first. The Jesuits of all the pueblos were under the superintendence and vigilance of another, named the superior of the missions, who had, moreover, the power to confirm from the Pope. To control these pueblos they had no laws, either civil or criminal; the only rule was the will of the Jesuits. Though in each pueblo there was an Indian called a corregidor, and others called alcaldes and rejidores (mayor and aldermen), that formed a municipal body like that which they have in Spanish colonies, no one of them exercised the least jurisdiction, and they were only instruments that served to execute the will of the curas, even in criminal cases. The curas who inflicted the punishments were never cited before the king nor before any of the ordinary tribunals. They compelled the Indians of both sexes and of every age to labour for the community, without permitting any person to labour at all for himself. All must obey the orders of the cura, who stored up the produce of the labour, and who had the charge of supplying food and clothing to all. From this it is seen that the Jesuits were absolutely masters of everything; that they completely disposed of the surplus stock of the whole community; and that all the Indians were equal, without distinction, and unable to possess any private property. There could be no motive of emulation to induce them to exercise their talents or their reason, since the most able, the most virtuous, the most active, was not better fed or clothed than the others, nor would he obtain any enjoyment that was not common to all. The Jesuits have persuaded the world that this kind of government was the only one suitable for the Indians, and had rendered happy those who were like children, and incapable of taking care of themselves. They add, that they direct them as a father governs his family, and that they collect and keep in the storehouses the products of the harvests, not for private use, but to make a proper distribution to their children, who, incapable of provision, do not know how to preserve anything for the sustenance of their families. This manner of government had appeared in Europe worthy of such great encomiums, that the lot of these Indians has almost come to be envied. But this is done without reflecting that these same Indians in a savage state did know how to support their families, and that individuals of the same Indians that had been subjugated in Paraguay lived an age before in a state of liberty, without knowing of such community of goods, without the necessity of being directed by any person, nor of being incited or forced to labour, and without a public storehouse or distribution of the harvest; and that, too, notwithstanding they had to support the charge of the commanderies that took the sixth part of their annual labour. It seems, then, they were not such children, nor were they so incapable as the Fathers tried to make them appear. But were such incapacity certain, from their not having sufficient time in a century and a half to correct such defects, one of the two following causes appears reasonable,—either the administration of the Jesuits was contrary to the civilization of the Indians, or they were such a people as were incapable of emerging from their primitive state of infancy.”

Previously to the foundation of the Jesuit reductions, posts had been established in various parts by the Spaniards for purposes of trade and local government. Several of these were in the neighbourhood of the Jesuits’ settlements. But the order would not tolerate the presence of Europeans near them. They complained in pathetic tones of the hardships endured by the natives at the hands of the avaricious Spanish superintendents, who not only exacted from them one-sixth part of their produce, but showed them a pernicious example in the way of morality, and thus interfered with the Jesuits’ religious teaching. These complaints having been forwarded to the court of Spain, the superintendents were withdrawn and their posts abolished, thus leaving the Jesuits in sole control of the territory of Misiones. This decision is the more remarkable, inasmuch as the Jesuits were not only not under Spanish rule, but were not even for the most part of the nation which had produced their founder. Nor did they pay tax or tribute to the crown.

But the exercise of absolute power within their own territory did not satisfy the ambitious order. They sought to make their influence felt and visible everywhere, and in so seeking paved the way for their downfall. Their first idea was to gain control over the rising generation by giving gratuitous instruction to the youth of wealthy families; and, warned by their previous experience, they prepared themselves against future reverses by raising from amongst their neophytes a very considerable standing army. They could at a very early period of their reign bring into the field a force of some seven thousand men.