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The Viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres was subdivided into the provinces of—
(1.) Buenos Ayres, the capital of which was the city of that name, and which comprised the Spanish possessions that now form the Republic of Uruguay, as well as the Argentine Provinces of Buenos Ayres, Santa Fè, Entre Rios, and Corrientes;
(2.) Paraguay, the capital of which was Asunsion, and which comprised what is now the Republic of Paraguay;
(3.) Tucuman, the capital of which was St. Iago del Estero, and which included what are to-day the Argentine provinces of Cordova, Tucuman, St. Iago, Salta, Catamarca, Rioja, and Jujuy;
(4). Las Charcas or Potosí, the capital of which was La Plata, and which now forms the Republic of Bolivia; and
(5.) Chiquito or Cuyo, the capital of which was Mendoza, and in which were comprehended the present Argentine provinces of St. Luiz, Mendoza, and St. Juan.
Note.—This chapter is founded on “Buenos Ayres and the Provinces of the Rio de La Plata,” by Sir Woodbine Parish, 1839;
Falkner’s “Patagonia” (Latin); England, 1774;
“Rio de La Plata” by Felix Azaro; Paris, 1809;
Dean Funes’s “History of Paraguay,” &c.; Buenos Ayres, 1816.
CHAPTER XIV.
BRAZIL; THE WAR OF THE SEVEN REDUCTIONS
1750-1761
1750.
The discovery of mining districts in the interior of Brazil caused both Spanish and Portuguese statesmen to perceive that the period had arrived when it was desirable, in the interests of both countries and of their respective colonies, to establish a boundary-line between their several possessions in South America. The famous Bull of Pope Alexander VI. had long become a dead letter. The fact of the Spanish Queen of Ferdinand VI. being a Portuguese princess, and having great influence over her husband, tended in no small degree to bringing about an amicable and equitable settlement of the territorial question existing between the two nations in South America.
All pretensions on either side founded upon the Bull of Alexander having been formally annulled, the demarcation between the two territories began on the south, at the mouth of a small stream which rises at the foot of the Monte de Castilhaos Grande, whence it proceeded in a straight line to the mountains, following their summits to the sources of the Rio Negro and continued to those of the Ybicuy; it then followed the course of that river to its junction with the Uruguay, skirting the Uruguay upwards until it reached the Pepiri, and then the latter river to its chief source; there it left the rivers and took the line of highest ground until it came to the head of the first stream which flows into the Yguazu; the boundary then first followed this stream, and then the Yguazu to its junction with the Paraná; it went up the Paraná to the Igurey, and then up the Igurey to its source; there it once more took the highest ground as far as to the first stream that runs into the Paraguay; the water then became the line to the mouth of the Jauru, whence the line was to be drawn straight to the south bank of the Guapore, opposite to the mouth of the Sarare. Wherever the line reached the Guapore it was to follow that stream to the Mamore, and then the Mamore to the Madeira, and the Madeira to a point half-way between its mouth and the mouth of the Mamore; it then struck east and west until it touched the Yavari, when it followed that river to the Amazons, and went down this great stream to the western mouth of the Japura. It ascended this river until it reached the summits of the Cordillera, between the Amazons and the Orinoco, when it was to go eastward along those summits, as far as the territories of the contracting parties extended.
The commissioners were to be careful to trace the demarcation from the westerly mouth of the Japura, so as not to touch the Portuguese settlements on that river and on the Rio Negro. The Spaniards were to avoid this part, whilst the Portuguese, on their side, were to abstain from ascending the Orinoco, and from spreading towards the Spanish territory. The line was to be drawn, without regard to extent of territory, with the object of tracing a distinct boundary. As the limits of the vast territories which were here for the first time separated were imperfectly known to the negotiators on either side, considerable latitude was given to the commissioners at several points. They were to design a map as they traced the limits, and jointly to name all unnamed rivers and mountains; these maps were, respectively, to be signed in duplicate by both commissioners, and were to serve as authorities in case of disputes.
By this treaty Portugal expressly ceded Colonia to Spain, together with all the territory on the northern shore of the Plata as far as the point where it was now determined the line of demarcation should begin. Portugal likewise renounced all right to the navigation of the Plata, which thenceforward was to belong exclusively to Spain. The Spanish king, in turn, made certain concessions to Portugal on the eastern side of the Uruguay. It was provided that the inhabitants of Colonia might remain there or remove at their option; but the missionaries were to migrate from the settlements ceded by Spain, and the “Reductions” were to be delivered up to the Crown of Portugal. All trade between the two nations was forbidden; nor might the subjects of one power enter the territories of the other without previous permission from the governor of the district to which he was proceeding, unless he were going on public business and provided with passports. In case of any future war between the two contracting powers, the sovereigns desired that their respective subjects in America might continue in peace, without committing acts of hostility. Neither power should permit the use of its ports to the enemy of the other; nor should such enemy be permitted a passage through the dominions of either. Several minor stipulations followed.
This memorable treaty bears witness to the sincerity and good sense of the parties by whom it was contracted; but it is not surprising that in undertaking to decide so vast a line of demarcation, some considerations should have been overlooked on either side which were nevertheless of vast importance. In view of the distance at which the treaty was drawn up from the districts and territories to which it referred and the imperfect information possessed concerning them, it was perhaps not possible that it should have been otherwise. As it was, the treaty contained one fatal clause which not only frustrated the good intentions of the sovereigns and led to immediate war, but was productive of consequences the baneful effects of which a century has not effaced.
The territory to the east of the Uruguay, which had been ceded by the boundary treaty to the Portuguese, contained seven “Reductions,” inhabited by about thirty thousand Guaranís, who had been bred up to servitude and domestic life. According to the terms of the treaty, these people, with all belonging to them, were to migrate into the Spanish territory. The Spanish King and his ministers had inserted this clause, or had agreed to it, in ignorance of the circumstances in which these Indians were placed. They were actuated, moreover, by feelings of regard to the Indians who were thereby affected. These had suffered much from the ravages of the Paulistas, and they had good reason to detest the Portuguese. To have left them, therefore, as subjects of the Crown of Portugal would have been ungenerous and offensive. It would likewise cut them off from the people of their own race. The negotiators were thus reduced to a choice of evils; but it had been decided that the exodus of these Indians was to take place within a year.
The commissioner sent on the part of Spain to see the treaty carried into effect was the Marquis of Valdelirios; the Portuguese commissioner was Gomes Freyre, the governor of Rio de Janeiro and Minas Geraes, who had himself experienced the inconvenience of an undefined boundary-line, and who is credited with having been the projector of the Treaty of Limits. The stipulation regarding the evacuation of the Misiones within a year was necessarily unaccomplished, owing to the fact that the Spanish commissioners did not reach the Plata until two years after the treaty had been signed. In the meantime, the Jesuits of Paraguay had addressed a remonstrance on the subject to the Royal Audience of Charcas, and had obtained from that tribunal a statement in their favour. They next applied to the Audience of Lima, and the Viceroy forwarded one copy of their memorial to the court of Spain and another to the governor of Buenos Ayres. The governor was requested to deliver it to the commissioners on their arrival.
The Jesuits, although relying on the effects of these memorials, were prepared to act in obedience to the terms of the treaty. The Provincial assembled the senior missionaries, who declared, almost unanimously, that it would not be possible to carry out the stipulations of the decree. He, nevertheless, instructed the Jesuits in the seven “Reductions” to endeavour to persuade the people to obedience; whilst at the same time he wrote to the King, pointing out the extreme difficulty of carrying the order into effect. The Superior went through the missions, making known the King’s pleasure. All appeared to acquiesce, with the exception of one cacique, who replied, that they had inherited from their forefathers the land of which they were now to be dispossessed. In transmitting to the Provincial the promise of the Guaranís to obey, the Superior added, that he feared that the temper of the people would render the removal impossible.
The intention of the Government was that the dispossessed Guaranís should occupy the territory which had been ceded to Spain south of the Ybicuy. It was desirable to people the ceded territory; but the Jesuits were not anxious to be too near neighbours to the Spanish regular settlements, whose vicinity would render more difficult the task of restraining their disciples. Reconnoitering parties were sent out to search for situations suitable for the settlement of large numbers of people with their flocks and herds; but such were not readily found. It was finally agreed that the missionaries should take refuge with their brethren in the land of the “Reductions” between the Uruguay and the Paraná, and this project was accordingly carried into execution.
When affairs were in this state, the Marquis of Valdelirios arrived in the Plata. He was met by Father Luiz, Altamirano having full powers from the General of the Jesuits over his brethren in South America. The commissioner was at once confronted by a whole load of arguments against the project of migration; and even the Jesuits in whose college he lodged urged the necessity of employing an armed force to clear the country on the Rio Negro from the Charruas before the emigrants should remove; they likewise represented that time should be given to erect places of shelter for the people when they should arrive in their new quarters; they also begged for a delay of three years in order that crops might meanwhile be raised at the new settlements to support the emigrants on their arrival. Their demands, though so far reasonable, were excessive; and all they could extort from Valdelirios was a delay of three months.
The Marquis, however, could perceive that the execution of the treaty was not altogether an easy matter; and he repaired to Castilhos Grande, in order to confer with Gomes Freyre, sending, at the same time, Altamirano to the “Reductions,” in order that his authority might be more readily available. When that Father had reached the “Reduction” of Yapayu, he found that the spirit of resistance had already displayed itself. There was, it appeared, a point at which even these Guaranís, brought up as they had been from generation to generation in implicit obedience, could turn; and when a community is in a state of smothered discontent there is never wanting a person to urge them on to deeds. Such a person now appeared in this “Reduction” in the person of a traveller recently arrived from Brazil, and who pointed out to the Guaranís that they were being sacrificed not by the Portuguese but by the Spaniards. The discontent now assumed a more solid form, the magistrates being deposed, and persons elected in their stead who were pledged to defend the people’s rights.
1752.
As might be supposed, this news occasioned alarm at S. Miguel, where preparations had been made for the emigration, and whence the first division of four hundred families had actually set out. The first emigrants were unfortunately met by a succession of heavy rains; and the people, declaring that if they went farther they should all perish, refused to proceed; in which resolution they were strengthened by the arrival of a messenger stating that their fellow-settlers now declined to quit their birthplace. Thereupon they returned immediately; when their insurrection assumed a more aggressive form, two of their office-bearers narrowly escaping with their lives, whilst the Indian servant of one was slain.
The inhabitants of another “Reduction” had reached their appointed place and begun to build; but, at the end of six months, wearied with labour and with the task of repelling the Indians, they returned to their former abode. With other settlements similar experiences took place. The Jesuits had in all cases shown their willingness on all occasions to obey the loyal orders; time had likewise proved the wisdom of the measures of precaution suggested to the Marquis of Valdelirios upon his arrival in the Plata. To that commissioner, therefore, must be ascribed the chief of the evils which arose from the precipitancy which he showed in carrying the emigration into effect. In his hasty measures, however, he was supported both by Altamirano and by the bishop of Buenos Ayres. The result was that the seven “Reductions” which were to be removed were now in a state of declared resistance to the treaty; whilst the other twenty-four showed that they not only sympathized with them, but were even inclined to support them. The Jesuits became the scapegoats; for whilst it was on them that the authorities depended for the measure being effected, the Guaranís of the “Reductions,” on the other hand, publicly declared that the Jesuits had sold their towns and possessions to the Portuguese; and the magistrates forbade all persons, on pain of death, either to obey or listen to them upon any other than religious matters. A resolution was even arrived at to assassinate Altamirano; but he was enabled by a timely warning to effect his escape to Buenos Ayres.
Fifty Portuguese and fifty Spanish troops, with a number of surveyors and other officers attached to the commission, and with a convoy of waggons and animals conveying stores, had by this time arrived at the territory of the missions, for the purpose of marking out the line of demarcation. They were to commence at Castilhos, on the coast, and to survey to the mouth of the Ybicuy. They reached an estancia belonging to the “Reduction” of S. Miguel. The men of that place, who had been in pursuit of Altamirano, turned aside on hearing of the new arrival, and the leader of the detachment informed the officer of the Spaniards that the Portuguese troops could not be permitted to enter the country. The officer, having proceeded to Buenos Ayres, added his testimony to that already in the possession of the authorities, to the effect that the Guaranís would not yield their territory excepting to force. Valdelirios had by this time returned from his conference with Gomes Freyre; and the commissioners, without referring the matter to their respective Governments, now declared war upon the people of the seven “Reductions.”
When the above important decision was arrived at, Altamirano addressed an instruction to the Jesuits, requiring them to destroy all gunpowder within the disturbed districts, and to prevent the manufacture of implements of war; after which, in case they should not be able to persuade the Guaranís to yield obedience to the treaty, they were to quit their charges and repair to Buenos Ayres. The Provincial of the Jesuits now addressed, in the name of the Company, a resignation of their charges, not in the proclaimed districts alone, but in all the Guaraní “Reductions.” But the governor and the bishop, to whom the resignation was addressed, declined to accept it; whilst Valdelirios insisted that the Jesuits should not be ordered to withdraw.
The first hostilities occurred upon the river Pardo, between a detachment of Portuguese and the Guaranís of S. Luiz. Of the latter, fifty were made prisoners, and they caused much prejudice against the Jesuits by stating, in reply to questions, that there were Jesuits amongst them, and that the latter had incited them to cut off the heads of the Portuguese who fell into their hands,—statements which were probably invented as being agreeable to their questioners. More serious operations soon followed. It had been arranged between the commissioners that whilst the Spaniards should advance against the Guaranís from Buenos Ayres, the Portuguese should attack them from Rio Grande. The Spaniards set forth in May, proceeding upon the left bank of the Uruguay; but they had advanced no further than the river Igarapuy when want of stores and pasture compelled them to retire. They had not retreated, however, without a collision with the people of one of the “Reductions” outside of the ceded territory, and several skirmishes took place, in one of which a number of Jesuits were slain.
In the meanwhile, Gomes Freyre had advanced from the coast towards Ybicuy, where he determined to watch the Guaranís until he should receive some information respecting the proceedings of the Spaniards. He was short of provisions, and when the rainy season commenced his men were exposed to excessive hardships, being compelled to betake themselves to the trees, and the communication being carried on by means of canoes. It is said that they were quartered in this singular fashion for two months, but that they were prevented from deserting owing to the vigilance of the Guaraní archers. At the end of this time, Gomes Freyre thought it expedient to treat with the Guaranís, who permitted him to retire without molestation. They then returned to their “Reductions,” thinking, like children, that the affair was at an end, and that all danger was over.
1755.
The Jesuits took advantage of the interval between hostilities to endeavour to procure a revocation of the clause in the Treaty respecting the cession of the “Reductions.” But their hopes for a favourable change in the Spanish councils were doomed to disappointment. Their enemies were now numerous and powerful; and amongst the calumnies revived or invented against them was one to the effect that they desired to set up a Guaraní kingdom, under a king of their own, named Nicolas, such being the name of a Guaraní chief. Valdelirios was advised that his Government had ascertained that the Jesuits were the sole cause of the Guaraní rebellion; and that if the Fathers should not deliver up the “Reductions” without further resistance, they should be held guilty of high treason. Seeing that the Jesuits’ Superior had resigned on their behalf their charge in the “Reductions,” and that the resignation had not been accepted by Valdelirios, the treatment of the Fathers was more high-handed than logical.
1756.
The Spanish and Portuguese commissioners now prepared for a second campaign, and decided that they should form a junction at S. Antonio ó Velho, and enter the Guaraní country at Sta. Thecla. Accordingly Gomes Freyre set out from Rio Grande with fifteen hundred men, with artillery and baggage train; but before they arrived at the place of rendezvous with the Spaniards, the whole force had narrowly escaped being consumed by an accidental fire. The junction, however, was effected in the month of January, the Spaniards bringing with them a proportionate force.
S. Antonio, where the two expeditions met, was in the territory of S. Miguel, and about ninety leagues from the “Reductions.” The forward march was under the most difficult circumstances, and occupied more than four months; as it was, they had to thank the remissness of their enemies for having accomplished it in that time. From the fact that no skill was shown by the Guaranís, it may safely be inferred that their defence was not directed by the Jesuits. The Indians appear to have relied entirely upon their numbers, and they were unfortunate enough to lose, at an early stage in the campaign, their only competent leader, Sepé. His death was followed by a great slaughter of his countrymen, who, however, were not thereby induced to submission. Indeed, this war, like most wars in South America, was of a protracted character, arising chiefly from the nature of the country.
So long as the Guaranís should keep the field, it was inevitable that the communications of the invaders should be exposed to much risk. It was therefore determined to fortify a position upon the Jacuy, by which stores might be received from the river Pardo. When the allied forces had continued their march to the plain of the Vacacay, they found themselves in face of a considerable number of Indians, who, however, continued to retreat so soon as the invaders prepared to attack.
The troops had now to attempt the passage of Monte Grande, a range of hills which forms the watershed in this direction. It was now the month of March (corresponding to October in the northern hemisphere), and the troops began to suffer from the cold, being badly provided with clothing; they also found the labour of surmounting the pass excessive. At this juncture their commander received the welcome news from the Rector of S. Luiz that he had at length succeeded in persuading the people of his “Reduction” to obey; they lamented their error, and besought pardon for their offence, entreating that their countrymen who had been taken prisoners might be released. The Spanish officer replied that the Father and the magistrates of the settlement should set the example of absolute submission.
At length, after three weeks of exertion, the troops succeeded in effecting the passage of Monte Grande; but they were still about two hundred miles’ distance from the “Reductions.” On the 3rd of May a considerable Guaraní force made its appearance; but a few cannon-shots put them to flight. On reaching the river Chiriaby they found the Guaranís skilfully entrenched, whilst they had taken measures to obstruct the passage of the stream. But the Guaranís, who were in an excellent position for defence, found their courage fail them at the last moment, and ran away, abandoning everything.
Two days later the army came in sight of S. Miguel, which place contained seven thousand inhabitants, and which struck them much by the regularity and neatness of its buildings, and the imposing appearance of its church. A considerable number of Guaranís appeared in front and on the flanks; but, as usual, they kept at a respectful distance. In attempting to overtake them, the general left his baggage behind him; which the enemy perceiving, they detached a large body of horsemen to cut it off. A guard, however, had been left, and they were easily beaten off. The troops then halted for two days, when they learned from a prisoner that the Jesuits, with the women and children, and many of the men, had forsaken the town, leaving orders to set it on fire.
On the following day the troops reached the plantations of S. Miguel, and two days later they took possession of the place. With the exception of the church, however, the place was now a ruin, every man, on sending away his family, having set fire to his own house. They had also burned the public stores and buildings, and the Jesuits’ houses. Notwithstanding the heavy rains which had fallen, the place had been burning for several days. Had the dilatory Spanish general pushed forward a few horsemen on learning that it was intended to fire S. Miguel, he might have easily saved that settlement.
Warned by his error, Andoanegui, on the same day, despatched the governor of Monte Video to take possession of S. Lorenzo, distant two leagues. The inhabitants were surprised, and three Jesuits were arrested. On the ensuing day a letter was received from the Rector of S. Juan stating that he had succeeded in persuading his people to submit. The other “Reductions” followed their example; but the greater part of the inhabitants took refuge in the woods. As so many of the people had provided for themselves, there was little difficulty in organizing the emigration of the remainder, who were admitted into the “Reductions” on the Paraná.
Both the Portuguese and Spanish commanders were strongly prepossessed against the Jesuits; but when they had become acquainted with the Fathers personally, and had listened to their statements of facts, the feeling against them seemed at once to disappear. Gomes Freyre, in particular, the Portuguese Commissioner, on seeing the state of things, declined to take possession of the evacuated territory, which could not be said to have been handed over to him in peace, for the former inhabitants still thronged the neighbouring woods. He likewise, meanwhile, deferred the cession of Colonia. Nor was the Spanish general more desirous of completing a transfer of which he disapproved. Both armies, therefore, remained in the “Reductions,” whilst the Jesuits endeavoured to reclaim their scattered flocks. Both generals, at this late hour, endeavoured to procure an alteration of the treaty.
The Spanish Government, alarmed at the failure of the first campaign, had sent out some reinforcements under Don Pedro Zeballos, who, on arriving at Buenos Ayres, proceeded at once to the missions, accompanied by Valdelirios. Zeballos was requested by the Superior of the Jesuits to institute a judicial inquiry into the accusation against himself and his brethren. The result of this inquiry was to dispel all charges against these Fathers, which for the rest were utterly improbable. The Jesuits of Paraguay were, like those of other provinces, supplied and recruited from Europe. It is not credible that their general should have encouraged or connived at a scheme on the part of a portion of his subordinates, the success of which would have separated them from his control; nor is it any more likely that they should have engaged in such an undertaking without his sanction.
1757.
Four years had now elapsed since Valdelirios had come upon his mission, but its business was yet far from having been brought to a conclusion; and so many difficulties had attended every stage of its progress that there was now no great disposition shown on either side to obviate minor obstructions. The presence of Gomes Freyre was required in Brazil; and thus the commission separated without having effected anything but a very large outlay of money and an immense amount of misery to the Guaranís, which race had been settled for one hundred and twenty-four years in the “Reductions.”
1761.
Events in Europe produced yet further delays in the settlement of this question, so important to the portion of South America which was concerned in its solution. By the death of the Spanish King and Queen, the friendly feeling which had united the two courts of Spain and Portugal was at an end, and it was succeeded by one of mistrust. Both courts, however, and both Governments, were heartily weary of the question of demarcation; and, in order to put an end to it, at any rate for the meantime, they agreed to annul the Treaty of Limits—the treaties which had been superseded by it again coming into force. The Portuguese were, on the whole, satisfied with this result, because they believed that Colonia, which they now retained, was of greater importance to them than the proposed increase of territory in the interior. The Spaniards were likewise pleased, because they imagined that their neighbours had stolen a march upon them in the Treaty of Limits, through the influence of their Portuguese Queen.
The actual result of the inglorious and wasteful war of the Seven Reductions was that the Jesuits, who had been falsely accused of fomenting the resistance of the Guaranís, had now imposed upon them the task of collecting the scattered remnants of that people, and of encouraging them to repair their ruined towns and recultivate their devastated country.