Kitabı oku: «Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856 (4 of 16 vol.)», sayfa 104
Tuesday, January 28
Naval Establishment
The order of the day, viz: the bill concerning the Naval Establishment, was then taken up, and the question on agreeing to the report of the Committee of the Whole, to fill up the blank in the section providing a dock yard, with one hundred thousand dollars, being under consideration, Mr. Cheves stated the grounds upon which the committee had recommended this provision of the bill, and replied to some remarks of his colleague (Mr. Williams) made yesterday.
Mr. Rhea then moved to strike out the whole section in relation to the dock yard; which, after some little debate, was carried – yeas 56, nays 52.
Mr. Blackledge moved a new section to the bill, providing for the building of four seventy-four gunships. As an inducement to the House to adopt this new section, he stated there were sufficient timber and guns on hand; that the whole expense would not exceed $1,300,000, and the guns and timber being already provided, an appropriation of $824,000 only, would be necessary to complete them.
The question was negatived – yeas 33, nays 76.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Monday, March 2
Divorces in the District
Mr. Lewis, from the Committee on the District of Columbia, made the following report:
The Committee for the District of Columbia, to whom were referred the petitions of Jane Deakins, praying for a divorce from William Deakins, and of David Beck, praying for a divorce from Ellen, his wife, submit the following report:
The only object which the petitioners can have in view is to be enabled, respectively, to enter into new contracts of marriage. Were marriages only a civil institution, the courts of law would be open to all parties seeking the redress now prayed for, for alleged breach of the marriage contract: but it is something more; it is a divine ordinance, and has been pronounced such by the highest legal as well as spiritual authority. The competency of any human tribunal to dissolve its sacred obligations may well be doubted. The justice or policy, under any circumstances, of weakening the matrimonial institution, upon the purity of which depends the very fabric of society itself, may be boldly denied. Divorces are not merely the effect of corruption of manners; they are the cause also. They hold out temptations to crime which human infirmity cannot at all times resist. They hold out incentives to that adultery which they are called in to remedy. Extreme cases may indeed be put, but they are rare; both parties are generally in fault. Shall a very few individuals, who present themselves in a questionable shape, be debarred from contracting a second marriage, or shall the foundations of society be loosened for their special accommodation? Shall the heaviest public injury be encountered for the convenience of those, who, for the most part, have shown how little reliance is to be placed upon their virtue or discretion? Shall incentives to nuptial infidelity be presented to the great body of society for the personal gratification of a few unfortunate members, diffusing dissatisfaction and discontent, where, but for the deceitful hope of divorce, they had never been known?
The frequency of divorces may be taken as an unerring criterion of the depravity of morals. A respectable authority has declared, that "from the Reformation to the commencement of the eighteenth century, there had occurred only four instances of Parliamentary divorce; but, in the present reign, they had increased to the enormous number of one hundred and ninety-three." It is notorious that the crime which is made the groundwork of the divorce, is frequently committed with the most "deliberate and unblushing indifference," for the purpose of enabling the adulterer and adultress thereafter to intermarry. Your committee will not attempt to pursue the subject further. It is calculated to inspire the most solemn reflections. They are opposed to divorce upon principle, as tending to excite family discord; as bearing hard upon the weaker sex, whom it is especially incumbent upon us to protect and to cherish; above all, as weakening the matrimonial tie, upon the sanctity of which depend "all the charities of father, son, and brother." The committee will not enter into the question how far it may be wise or politic to hold forth to the world this District as an asylum for those who wish to obtain absolution from the marriage vow. They will content themselves with submitting the following resolution:
Resolved, That the prayer of the petitioners ought not to be granted.
Referred to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next.
Wednesday, March 4
Constitution of Orleans
The following message was received from the President of the United States:
To the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States:
At the request of the convention assembled in the Territory of Orleans on the 22d day of November last, I transmit to Congress the proceedings of that body in pursuance of the act, entitled "An act to enable the people of the Territory of Orleans to form a constitution and State government, and for the admission of the said State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, and for other purposes."
JAMES MADISON.
March 3, 1812.
The Message and accompanying documents having been read, a proposition was made to refer them to a select committee; but, before it was decided, the House adjourned.
Monday, March 9
British Intrigues
The following Message was received from the President of the United States:
To the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States:
I lay before Congress copies of certain documents which remain in the Department of State. They prove that at a recent period, whilst the United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sustained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of peace and neutrality towards Great Britain, and in the midst of amicable professions and negotiations on the part of the British Government, through its public Ministers here, a secret agent of that Government was employed in certain States, more especially at the seat of Government in Massachusetts, in fomenting disaffection to the constituted authorities of the nation; and in intrigues with the disaffected for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws; and eventually, in concert with a British force, of destroying the Union and forming the Eastern part thereof into a political connection with Great Britain.
In addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to have on the Public Councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of all good citizens that happy Union of these States, which, under Divine Providence, is the guarantee of their liberties, their safety, their tranquillity, and their prosperity.
JAMES MADISON.
March 9, 1812.
Mr. Henry to Mr. Monroe
Philadelphia, February 20, 1812.
Sir: Much observation and experience have convinced me, that the injuries and insults with which the United States have been so long and so frequently visited, and which cause their present embarrassment, have been owing to an opinion entertained by foreign States, "that in any measure tending to wound their pride, or provoke their hostility, the Government of this country could never induce a great majority of its citizens to concur." – And as many of the evils which flow from the influence of this opinion on the policy of foreign nations, may be removed by any act that can produce unanimity among all parties in America, I voluntarily tender to you, sir, such means, as I possess, towards promoting so desirable and important an object; which, if accomplished, cannot fail to extinguish, perhaps forever, those expectations abroad, which may protract indefinitely an accommodation of existing differences, and check the progress of industry and prosperity in this rising Empire.
I have the honor to transmit herewith the documents and correspondence relating to an important mission in which I was employed by Sir James Craig, the late Governor General of the British Provinces in North America, in the winter of the year 1809.
The publication of these papers will demonstrate a fact not less valuable than the good already proposed; it will prove that no reliance ought to be placed on the professions of good faith of an Administration, which, by a series of disastrous events, has fallen into such hands as a Castlereagh, a Wellesley, or a Liverpool – I should rather say into the hands of the stupid subalterns, to whom the pleasures and the indolence of those Ministers have consigned it.
In contributing to the good of the United States by an exposition which cannot (I think) fail to solve and melt all division and disunion among its citizens, I flatter myself with the fond expectation that when it is made public in England it will add one great motive to the many that already exist, to induce that nation to withdraw its confidence from men whose political career is a fruitful source of injury and embarrassment in America; of injustice and misery in Ireland; of distress and apprehension in England; and contempt every where. In making this communication to you, sir, I deem it incumbent on me distinctly and unequivocally to state that I adopt no party views; that I have not changed any of my political opinions; that I neither seek nor desire the patronage nor countenance of any Government nor of any party; and that, in addition to the motives already expressed, I am influenced by a just resentment of the perfidy and dishonor of those who first violated the conditions upon which I received their confidence; who have injured me and disappointed the expectations of my friends, and left me no choice but between a degrading acquiescence in injustice, and a retaliation which is necessary to secure to me my own respect.
This wound will be felt where it is merited; and if Sir James Craig still live, his share of the pain will excite no sympathy among those who are at all in the secret of our connection.
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, &c.
J. HENRY.
To Hon. James Monroe.
Secretary of State, &c.
No. 1
Mr. Ryland, Secretary to Sir James Craig, late Governor General of the British Provinces in North America, to Mr. Henry.
Application to undertake the Mission to the United States
[Most secret and confidential.]
Quebec, January 26, 1809.
My Dear Sir: The extraordinary state of things at this time in the neighboring States has suggested to the Governor-in-Chief the idea of employing you on a secret and confidential mission to Boston, provided an arrangement can be made to meet the important end in view, without throwing an absolute obstacle in the way of your professional pursuits. The information and political observations heretofore received from you were transmitted by his Excellency to the Secretary of State, who has expressed his particular approbation of them; and there is no doubt that your able execution of such a mission as I have suggested, would give you a claim, not only on the Governor General, but on His Majesty's Ministers, which might eventually contribute to your advantage. You will have the goodness, therefore, to acquaint me, for his Excellency's information, whether you could make it convenient to engage in a mission of this nature, and what pecuniary assistance would be requisite to enable you to undertake it, without injury to yourself.
At present, it is only necessary for me to add, that the Governor will furnish you with a cipher for carrying on your correspondence; and that, in case the leading party in any of the States wished to open a communication with this Government, their views might be communicated through you.
I am, with great truth and regard, my dear sir, your most faithful, humble servant,
HERMAN W. RYLAND.
John Henry, Esq.
No. 2
General Instructions from Sir J. H. Craig to Mr. Henry, respecting his Secret Mission
His Excellency the Governor-in-Chief's Instructions to Mr. Henry, of February, 1809
[Most secret and confidential.]
Quebec, February 6, 1809.
Sir: As you have so readily undertaken the service which I have suggested to you, as being likely to be attended with much benefit to the public interests, I am to request, that, with your earliest convenience, you will proceed to Boston.
The principal object that I recommend to your attention, is, the endeavor to obtain the most accurate information of the true state of affairs in that part of the Union, which, from its wealth, the number of its inhabitants, and the known intelligence and ability of several of its leading men, must naturally possess a very considerable influence over, and will indeed probably lead the other Eastern States of America in the part that they may take at this important crisis.
I shall not pretend to point out to you the mode by which you will be most likely to obtain this important information; your own judgment, and the connections which you may have in the town, must be your guide. I think it, however, necessary to put you on your guard against the sanguineness of an aspiring party. The Federalists, as I understand, have at all times discovered a leaning to this disposition; and their being under its particular influence, at this moment, is the more to be expected, from their having no ill-founded ground for their hopes of being nearer the attainment of their object than they have been for some years past.
In the general terms which I have made use of in describing the object which I recommend to your attention, it is scarcely necessary that I should observe, I include the state of the public opinion, both with regard to their internal politics, and to the probability of a war with England; the comparative strength of the two great parties into which the country is divided, and the views and designs of that which may ultimately prevail.
It has been supposed, that, if the Federalists of the Eastern States should be successful in obtaining that decided influence which may enable them to direct the public opinion, it is not improbable that, rather than submit to a continuance of the difficulties and distress to which they are now subject, they will exert that influence to bring about a separation from the general Union. The earliest information on this subject may be of great consequence to our Government, as it may also be, that it should be informed how far, in such an event, they would look up to England for assistance, or be disposed to enter into a connection with us.
Although it would be highly inexpedient that you should in any manner appear as an avowed agent, yet, if you could contrive to obtain an intimacy with any of the leading party, it may not be improper that you should insinuate, (though with great caution,) that, if they should wish to enter into any communication with our Government, through me, you are authorized to receive any such, and will safely transmit it to me. And as it may not be impossible that they should require some document, by which they may be assured that you are really in the situation in which you represent yourself, I enclose a credential to be produced in that view. But, I most particularly enjoin and direct that you do not make any use of this paper, unless a desire to that purpose should be expressed, and unless you see good ground for expecting that the doing so may lead to a more confidential communication than you can otherwise look for.
In passing through the State of Vermont, you will of course exert your endeavors to procure all the information that the short stay you will probably make there will admit of. You will use your own discretion as to delaying your journey with this view, more or less, in proportion to your prospects of obtaining any information of consequence.
I request to hear from you as frequently as possible; and as letters directed to me might excite suspicion, it may be as well that you put them under cover to Mr. – ; and as even the addressing letters always to the same person might attract notice, I recommend your sometimes addressing your packet to the Chief Justice here, or occasionally, though seldom, to Mr. Ryland, but never with the addition of his official description.
I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
J. H. CRAIG.
John Henry, Esq.
Copy of the "Credential" given by Sir James Craig to Mr. Henry
The bearer, Mr. John Henry, is employed by me, and full confidence may be placed in him for any communication which any person may wish to make to me in the business committed to him. In faith of which I have given him this under my hand and seal at Quebec, the 6th day of February, 1809.
[Copies of the letters from Mr. Henry to Sir James Craig, relative to his mission to the United States, in the year 1809.]
No. 1
Answer to the letter of Mr. Secretary Ryland, proposing the mission, &c.
Montreal, Jan. 31, 1809.
Sir: I have to acknowledge the favor of your letter of the 26th instant, written by the desire of his Excellency, the Governor-in-Chief, and hasten to express, through you, to his Excellency, my readiness to comply with his wishes.
I need not add how very flattering it is to receive from His Excellency the assurance of the approbation of His Majesty's Secretary of State, for the very humble services that I may have rendered.
If the nature of the service in which I am to be engaged will require no other disbursements than for my individual expenses, I do not apprehend that these can exceed my private resources.
I shall be ready to take my departure before my instructions can be made out.
I have the honor to be your most obedient servant,
J. H.
H. W. Ryland, Esq., Secretary, &c.
No. 2
To His Excellency the Governor General, &c., in answer to his letter of instructions, &c
Montreal, Feb. 10, 1809.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of instructions, the letter of credence, and the cipher for carrying on my correspondence. I have bestowed much pains upon the cipher, and am, notwithstanding this, deficient in some points which might enable me to understand it clearly. I have compared the example with my own exemplification of the cipher, and find a difference in the results; and as the present moment seems favorable to the interference of His Majesty's Government in the measures pursued by the Federal party in the Northern States, and more especially as the Assembly of Massachusetts is now in session, I think it better to set forward immediately, than wait for any further explanation of the means of carrying on a secret correspondence, which the frequency of safe private conveyances to Canada will render almost wholly unnecessary. Should it, however, be necessary at any time, I take leave to suggest that the index alone furnishes a very safe and simple mode. In it there is a number for every letter in the alphabet, and particular numbers for particular phrases; so that when I do not find in the index the particular word I want, I can spell it with the figures which stand opposite to the letters. For example, if I want to say that "troops are at Albany," I find under the letter T, that No. 16 stands for "troops," and number 125 for "Albany;" the intervening words "are at" I supply by figures corresponding with the letters in these words.
It will be necessary to provide against accident by addressing the letters to Mr. – , of Montreal, with a small mark on the corner of the envelope, which he will understand. When he receives it he will then address the enclosure to your Excellency, and send it from Montreal by mail. I will be careful not to address your Excellency in the body of the letter, nor sign my name to any of them. They will be merely designated by the initials A. B.
If this mode should, in any respect, appear exceptionable, your Excellency will have the goodness to order a more particular explanation of the card. It would reach me in safety enclosed to – , Boston.
I have the honor to be, with profound respect, your Excellency's most obedient servant, &c.
J. H.
