Kitabı oku: «Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856 (4 of 16 vol.)», sayfa 84
Friday, April 17
Temporary Non-Exportation
On motion, by Mr. Dana, the injunction of secrecy was removed respecting the proceedings on the "Act to prohibit the exportation of specie, goods, wares, and merchandise, for a limited time."
[The proceedings are as follow:]
Thursday, April 9, 1812
The following confidential message was received from the House of Representatives, by their committee, Mr. Smilie and Mr. Pleasants – Mr. Smilie, chairman:
Mr. President: The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled "An act to prohibit the exportation of specie, goods, wares, and merchandise, for a limited time;" in which bill they ask the concurrence of the Senate.
The bill was read, and, on motion, by Mr. Campbell of Tennessee, that the bill be now read the second time by unanimous consent, it was objected to as against the rule.
Ordered, That the bill pass to a second reading.
Friday, April 10
The bill from the House of Representatives, entitled "An act to prohibit the exportation of specie, goods, wares, and merchandise, for a limited time," was read the second time, and referred to a select committee, to consider and report thereon; and Messrs. Campbell of Tennessee, Bradley, and Taylor, were appointed the committee.
Mr. Campbell of Tennessee, from the committee, reported the bill last mentioned with an amendment. Whereupon, the bill was resumed, and considered as in Committee of the Whole, together with the amendment reported thereto by the select committee; and having agreed to the amendment, the President reported the bill to the House accordingly.
On motion, by Mr. Goodrich, that the further consideration of the bill be postponed until to-morrow, and that it be printed under an injunction of secrecy, for the use of the Senate, it was determined in the negative.
On the question, Shall the bill pass to the third reading as amended? it was determined in the affirmative – yeas 16, nays 12, as follows:
Yeas. – Messrs. Anderson, Bibb, Brent, Campbell of Tennessee, Condit, Crawford, Gaillard, Gregg, Howell, Leib, Pope, Smith of New York, Tait, Taylor, Turner, and Varnum.
Nays. – Messrs. Bradley, Dana, German, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Horsey, Hunter, Lambert, Lloyd, Reed, and Smith of Maryland.
Friday, April 17
Mississippi Territory
Mr. Taylor, from the committee to whom was referred on the 17th of March, the bill, entitled "An act to enable the people of the Mississippi Territory to form a constitution and State Government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States;" and on the 6th instant, the bill to carry into effect the provisions of the eighth section of the act regulating the grants of land, and providing for the disposal of the lands of the United States south of the State of Tennessee, reported that the said bills be severally postponed to the first Monday in December next.
The report is as follows:
That in considering the subject referred to them, they could not avoid being struck with the immense size of the Territory proposed to be erected into a State, a size disproportionate to the size of any of the largest States which now compose our confederation.
It embraces, in its present form, and without any extension, to the Gulf of Mexico, (as is proposed in the bill referred to us,) nearly six and a half degrees of geographical longitude, and four entire degrees of latitude, and affords an area of twice the surface of the State of Pennsylvania.
Your committee are strongly impressed with the propriety and expediency of dividing the said Territory, so as to form of the same two States, whenever the population, within the limits of each section, shall render it just and proper; and they respectfully submit to the Senate the following divisional line, between the western and eastern sections of the said Territory, viz: up the Mobile river, to the point nearest its source, which falls on the eleventh degree of west longitude from the city of Washington; thence a course due north until the line intersects the waters of Bear Creek; thence down the said creek to its confluence with the Tennessee River; thence down the said river to the northern boundary line of the said Territory. By a view of the map of this country it will appear that the above divisional line will divide the Territory into nearly two equal parts, and it has, for the most part, a delineation by nature.
By the 5th section of the 1st article of the treaty of cession from the State of Georgia the United States are bound to erect the said Territory into one State. It has, however, been suggested that the State of Georgia would not, upon a proper representation, withhold her consent to the proposed division.
To the end, therefore, that an opportunity may be afforded to the State of Georgia to express this consent, by a legislative act of the said State, as they shall think proper, your committee recommend that the said bill shall be postponed to the first Monday in December next.
Monday, April 20
Death of the Vice President
The President addressed the Senate as follows:
"Gentlemen: Upon me devolves the painful duty of announcing to the Senate the death of our venerable fellow-citizen, George Clinton, Vice President of the United States.
"By this afflictive dispensation of Divine Providence the Senate is deprived of a President rendered dear to each of its members by the dignity and impartiality with which he has so long presided over their deliberations; and the nation bereaved of one of the brightest luminaries of its glorious Revolution."
The Senate being informed of the decease of their distinguished fellow-citizen, George Clinton, Vice President of the United States, do
Resolve, That a committee be appointed, jointly with such as may be appointed on the part of the House of Representatives, to consider and report measures proper to manifest the public respect for the memory of the deceased, and expressive of the deep regret of the Congress of the United States on the loss of a citizen so highly respected and revered.
Ordered, That Messrs. Smith of New York, Smith of Maryland, German, Gilman, and Bradley, be the committee.
Ordered, That the Secretary carry this resolution to the House of Representatives.
A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House concur in the resolution of the Senate for the appointment of a joint committee "to consider and report measures proper to manifest the public respect for the memory of the Vice President of the United States," deceased, and have appointed a committee on their part.
Tuesday, April 21
On motion of Mr. Smith of New York,
Resolved unanimously, That, from an unfeigned respect to the late George Clinton, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate, the Chair of the President of the Senate be shrouded with black during the present session; and, as a further testimony of respect for the memory of the deceased, the members of the Senate will go into mourning and wear a black crape round the left arm for thirty days.
Friday, April 24
Recess of Congress
Mr. Bradley, from the joint committee of the two Houses appointed on the subject of a recess, reported the business that demands the immediate attention of Congress, and the following resolution:
Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That, during the present session of Congress, the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives shall, on the 29th day of April instant, adjourn their respective Houses to Monday, the 18th day of May next, then to meet at the same place in which the two Houses are now sitting.
On motion, by Mr. Bradley, the resolution was twice read by unanimous consent; and, on motion by Mr. Pope, amended, by striking out the words "eighteenth day of May next."
On the question, Shall this resolution be engrossed, and read a third time as amended, it was determined in the affirmative – yeas 18, nays 13.
Saturday, April 25
Recess of Congress
The Senate resumed the consideration of the resolution for a recess of Congress from the 29th inst. to the – day of – next.
Mr. Pope moved to fill the blank with the 4th Monday in June. The most distant day would probably accommodate the greatest number of members; and this day would be sufficiently early to take measures necessary on the expiration of the embargo.
Mr. Anderson said he had supposed the day fixed upon by the committee, viz: the 18th of May, would have been the day. He did not himself feel the necessity of any adjournment; but, if it must take place, it ought either to be for a short time, or for so long a time as equally to accommodate all. If it were to be for a short time, it would be merely for relaxation; if for a longer time, as was now proposed, he feared it would be considered as indicative of an intention to pause in the course of measures they had commenced, and produce an impression abroad, among the people, which was much to be deprecated.
Mr. Pope said he was in favor of such a time being fixed on as should accommodate the greatest number of the members. As to the effect of an adjournment on the public mind, he imagined that the difference between a recess of twenty or thirty days would be very unimportant.
Mr. G. W. Campbell said it seemed to him something like bribing the members to obtain votes, to talk about lengthening the time so as to accommodate the greatest number of members. He could not conceive it consistent with the honor of the country that they should decide the question of adjournment on the mere ground of personal convenience; he considered the only question to be, whether a recess would have a good or bad effect on the public service. He had on a former occasion stated his objection to this step, that it would produce an ill effect on the public mind. Many misrepresentations have been already made to induce the public to believe you are not in earnest. An adjournment for any length of time would seem like deserting our posts, and will put the seal on this belief. Under this view, he must vote against the adjournment; but the longer was the recess, the worse would be the effect on the public mind. He should, therefore, vote for the shortest day.
Mr. Bradley said he could not see that the proposed recess would be deserting their posts at all. The nation knew that the Government could not go to war without soldiers; and sitting here would certainly not restore peace. Congress had adopted many war measures, the execution of which they had put into the hands of the Executive; they had also authorized a loan of eleven millions. And while these measures were going on, could Congress, by staying here constantly, add to the number of men, or expedite the loan? If an enemy were to invade us, without any government at all, they would be promptly resisted. But, if we are going to war to redress grievances, to revenge injuries received, we should choose our own time. If we begin war before we have an army, it is bringing the nation to the last stage of degradation, not to consider at all the sufferings and losses which would be in such cases sustained. It would be a great error to attempt to put this country, by a forced vote of Congress, into war. You cannot lead this country to war as the butcher leads his flock to the slaughter-house. This is a government of opinion; the public sentiment will not be driven, but must be followed. Congress have certainly done as much for the present as they can. I wish to see the effect of the measures they have taken. The Executive is clothed with all the necessary powers to make preparation for war; and if the nation will not abide by us and support the measures of Congress, it is vain to say we can force the people into a war. I believe the people will be better satisfied with a recess than with our sitting here from day to day without doing any thing material, and there is nothing material at this moment to do. They are not irrational; they know that Congress have been in session six months; they must also foresee that when we come to war, the Council of the Nation must be perpetually in session; they will, therefore, not be dissatisfied at a short recess. If war be actually to take place at the expiration of the embargo, this, of all others, is the time for relaxation.
The question on the insertion of the eighth day of June as the day of reassembling of the two Houses, was decided as follows:
Yeas. – Messrs. Bradley, Condit, Crawford, Dana, German, Gilman, Goodrich, Gregg, Horsey, Hunter, Lambert, Lloyd, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Smith of New York, Turner, and Worthington – 18.
Nays. – Messrs. Anderson, Bibb, Brent, Campbell of Tennessee, Cutts, Gaillard, Giles, Howell, Leib, Smith of Maryland, Tait, Taylor, and Varnum – 13.
So the motion was carried.
Wednesday, April 29
Maritime Defence
Mr. Pope asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill more effectually to protect the commerce and coasts of the United States; and the bill was read, and passed to the second reading.
Tuesday, June 9
Rhode Island Resolutions
Mr. Hunter presented the resolutions of the Legislature of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, instructing their Senators and Representatives in Congress, to use their endeavors to avert the evils of war, to put our maritime frontier in a state of defence, and for the repeal of the embargo and restrictive system; and the resolutions were read.
New York Memorial
Mr. Smith of New York, presented the following petition of sundry inhabitants, merchants, and others, of the city of New York, praying that the embargo and non-importation laws be continued as a substitute for war against Great Britain:
To the honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, the memorial of the subscribers, merchants, and others, inhabitants of the city of New York, respectfully showeth:
That your memorialists feel, in common with the rest of their fellow-citizens, an anxious solicitude for the honor and interest of their country, and an equal determination to assert and maintain them.
That your memorialists believe that a continuation of the restrictive measures now in operation will produce all the benefits while it prevents the calamities of war. That when the British Ministry become convinced that a trade with the United States cannot be renewed, but by the repeal of the Orders in Council, the distress of their merchants and manufacturers, &c., their inability to support their armies in Spain and Portugal, will probably compel them to that measure.
Your memorialists beg leave to remark, that such effects are even now visible; and it may be reasonably hoped that a continuance of the embargo and non-importation laws a few months beyond the fourth day of July next, will effect a complete and bloodless triumph of our rights.
Your memorialists therefore respectfully solicit of your honorable body the passage of a law continuing the embargo, and giving to the President of the United States power to discontinue the whole of the restrictive system on the rescinding of the British Orders in Council.
The conduct of France in burning our ships, in sequestrating our property entering her ports, expecting protection in consequence of the promised repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the delay in completing a treaty with the American Minister, has excited great sensation, and we hope and trust will call forth from your honorable body such retaliatory measures as may be best calculated to procure justice.
• John Jacob Astor
• Samuel Adams
• Howland & Grinnell
• E. Slosson
• Israel Gibbs
• Isaac Clason
• John Slidell
• John K. Townsend
• Andrew Ogden & Co.
• Thomas Storm
• Amos Butler
• Ebenezer Burrill
• Isaac Heyer
• Ralph Bulkley
• Samuel Bell
• John F. Delaplaine
• Peter Stagg
• David Taylor
• Abraham Smith
• Thomas H. Smith, jr.
• Andrew Foster
• Jacob Barker
• William Lovett
• William Edgar, jr.
• Samuel Stillwell
• Jacob P. Giraud
• John Hone
• John Kane
• Amasa Jackson
• William J. Robinson
• Joseph Strong
• Abraham S. Hallet
• Joshua Jones
• Frederick Giraud, jr.
• Robert Roberts
• John Crookes
• William Adee
• John T. Lawrence
• Joseph W. Totten
• Isaac Schermerhorn
• Alexander Ruden
• Joseph Otis
• Lewis Hartman
• Garret Storm
• George Bement
• S. A. Rich
• Hugh McCormick
• John Depeyster
• Gilbert Haight
• James Lovett
• Leffert Lefferts
• Augustus Wyncoop
• John W. Gale
• Thomas Rich
• Samuel Marshall
• Elbert Herring.
After the memorial had been read,
Mr. Taylor said, that the respectability of the subscribers to a petition presented to this body, and the importance of the matter therein contained, had, on various occasions, been used as inducements to us to give such petition a respectful disposition in the course of our proceedings. He recollected a case in point. It was the case of the petition of an eminent merchant of Massachusetts, presented by an honorable Senator from that State, and which at the suggestion of that honorable gentleman was, by the Senate, ordered to be printed. He was of opinion that the petition just read ought not to be treated with less attention. That he had seen the petition, and had inquired into the character of its subscribers – and had been informed that the fifty-eight signers to it were among the most respectable, wealthy, and intelligent merchants of the city of New York. There are to be found in that list the names of two presidents of banks; three presidents of insurance companies; thirteen directors of banks: besides other names of pre-eminent standing in the mercantile world. They had all united in the sentiments contained in the petition, notwithstanding that there existed among them a difference in political opinions – for he understood that of the petitioners forty-two were federal and sixteen republican. Mr. T. added, that he considered some of the sentiments contained in the petition as of the highest importance. He hailed it as an auspicious occurrence, that these honorable merchants, in praying that the evils of war might be averted from them and from the nation, had nevertheless held fast to the principle of resistance to the aggressions and unhallowed conduct of Great Britain towards our nation – and had exercised the candor and firmness to bear testimony to the efficiency of the restrictive system for obtaining a redress of our wrongs, and of course to the integrity and honor of those who had imposed this system for that purpose. He hoped that the example of these petitioners would tend to counteract those strenuous and unremitting exertions of passion, prejudice, and party feeling, which had attempted to stamp upon the majority in Congress the foul and unjust censure of being enemies to commerce. That, however unfashionable and obstinate it might appear, he still believed that the embargo and non-importation laws, if faithfully executed, were capable of reaching farther than our cannon. We were at this very time tendering an urgent argument, to be felt by each city, village and hamlet in England. This touching to the quick the vital interests of that empire, would demonstrate to the people at least the folly and absurdity of the Orders in Council. The ordeal of the twenty weeks of scarcity, which the people of that unhappy country are undergoing, to relieve which, but for the madness and folly of their rulers, every yard of American canvas would be spread to the gales: the thousands of starving manufacturers thrown out of employ for want of our custom, which custom, but for the injustice of their masters, we were willing to give, now feel the efficiency of the restrictive system. These matter-of-fact arguments want no sophistry nor long speeches to give them weight. But Great Britain is proud, and will never yield to this sort of pressure. Hunger has no law. Where was her pride during the last year when she exported to her enemy on the continent more than eleven millions of pounds sterling for provisions; and meanly truckling to her enemy, consented to buy the privilege of laying out her guineas for bread; and actually submitted on the compulsion of Napoleon to buy the wines, brandies, and silks of France, which she did not want! This restrictive system, when commenced under the former embargo law, encountered every opposition among ourselves, which selfish avarice, which passion and party rage could suggest; and so successful were its assailants that while it was operating with its fullest effects, (which the prices current of that day will show,) some of its greatest champions in the National Legislature abandoned it – yes, sir, in the tide of victory they threw down their arms. How were the mighty fallen, and the shield of the mighty vilely cast away! The disavowal of Erskine's arrangement was the consequence of this retreat. But it may be said that the sentiments in their petition were extorted by the apprehension of a greater evil – war. In all our trials, those who had not predetermined to submit to Great Britain must have anticipated this alternative. Let those who by their acrimony, sneers, and scoffs, have thrown away this chief defence of our nation, be held responsible for the compulsion they have imposed on us to take this dire alternative. He said that although he was unwilling to abate a single pang which we might legally inflict upon our enemy, and might at the proper time oppose any thing like the swap proposed of one system for another, when we had the power and the right to impose upon our enemy both the one and the other, he nevertheless thought the petition was deserving of the attention which he now moved it should receive. He moved that the petition should be printed.
The motion was agreed to; and the Senate then adjourned.
