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CONCLUSION

KING WILLIAM'S CHARACTER, FROM THE SAXON CHRONICLE ³⁷⁶

Las! how false and how unresting is this earth's weal! He that before was a rich king, and lord of many lands, had then of all his lands but seven feet space; and he that was whilom clad with gold and gems, lay there overspread with mould! If any one wish to know what manner of man he was, or what worship he had, or of how many lands he were the lord, then will we write of him, as we have known him; for we looked on him, and somewhile dwelt in his herd³⁷⁷.

This king William that we speak about was a very wise man, and very rich; more worshipful and stronger than any his foregangers were. He was mild to the good men that loved God, and beyond all metes stark to those who withsaid his will. On that same stede where God gave him that he should win England, he reared a noble minster, and set monks there and well endowed it.

Eke he was very worshipful. Thrice he bore his king-helm³⁷⁸ every year, as oft as he was in England. At Easter he bore it at Winchester; at Pentecost at Westminster; at midwinter at Glocester. And then were with him all the rich men over all England; archbishops and diocesan bishops; abbots and earls; thanes and knights. Truly he was eke so stark a man and wroth, that no man durst do any thing against his will. He had earls in his bonds, who had done against his will. Bishops he setoff their bishoprics; and abbots off their abbacies; and thanes in prisons. And at last he did not spare his brother Odo; him he set in prison. Betwixt other things we must not forget the good frith³⁷⁹ that he made in this land; so that a man that was worth aught might travel over the kingdom with his bosom full of gold unhurt. And no man durst slay another man, though he had suffered never so mickle evil from the other.

He ruled over England, and by his cunning he so thoroughly surveyed it, that there was never a hide of land in England that he wist not both who had it, and what its worth was; and he set it down in his writ³⁸⁰. Britland³⁸¹ was under his weald, and therein he wrought castles. And he wielded Mann-cynn³⁸² withal. Scotland he subdued by his mickle strength. Normandy was his by kin; and over the earldom that is called Mans he ruled. And if he might have lived yet two years, he had won Ireland by his worship³⁸³, and without any armament.

Truly in his time men had mickle swinking, and very many hardships. He let castles be wrought, and poor men to be sorely swinked. The king was so very stark; and he took from his subjects many marks of gold, and many hundred pounds of silver: and that he took of his people, some by right, and some by mickle unright,for little need. He had fallen into covetousness, and greediness he loved withal.

The king and the head men loved much and over much the getting in of gold and silver; and recked not how sinfully it was got, so it but came to them. He let his lands to fine as dear as he dearest might. Then came some and bade more than the first had given; and the king let it to him that bade more. Then came a third, and bade yet more; and the king let it to the man who bade the most. Nor did he reck how sinfully his reeves got money of poor men, or how unlawfully they did. But the more men talked of right law, the more they did against law.

He set many deer-friths; and he made laws there-with, that whosoever should slay hart or hind, him man should blind. And as he forbade the³⁸⁴ harts, so eke did he the boars. He loved the high deer as much as if he were their father. Eke he set as to the hares, that they should go free. His rich men bemoaned it, and the poor men murmured, but he was so firm that he recked not the hatred of them all; and they must withal follow the king's will, if they would live, or have lands or goods, or his favour.

Wa-la-wa! that any man should be so moody, so to upheave himself, and think himself above all other men! May almighty God have mild-heartedness on his soul, and give him forgiveness of his sins!

These things we have written of him, both good and evil, that men may choose the good after their goodness; and withal flee from evil, and go on the way that leadeth us to Heaven's kingdom.

APPENDIX

OF ADDITIONAL NOTES AND CORRECTIONS

PAGE 14. The position of Folpendant is shown on ancient maps, north of Harcourt. It is certainly a little removed from the river, the Orne; but Wace's phrase does not necessarily imply immediate contact. He probably meant that they crossed the river about, or near, or opposite Folpendant.

PAGE 44. Town of Arches, in line 13, should be Tower.

PAGE 60. The translation is not precisely correct as to the causes of loss and of the rupture of the bridge at Varavile; instead of the water, (in the last line,) read the sea or tide.

PAGE 71. A century before the revival and enrichment of the abbey of Westminster by Edward, its church was rich enough to boast an organ, that required seventy strong men to keep its twenty-six bellows in action. The following description of this unwieldy machine is quoted (from Ducange) in the Mém. des Antiq. Norm. vol. i. 673, from a latin poem of Wolstan, a monk of Westminster.

Bisseni supra sociantur in ordine folles,

 
Inferiusque jacent quatuor atque decem:
Quos agitant validi septuaginta viri,
Brachia versantes, multo et sudore madentes.
Certatimque suos quisque movet socios,
Viribus ut totis impellant flamina sursum,
Et rugiat pleno capsa referta sinu,
Sola quadragintas quæ sustinet ordine musas.
 

PAGE 79. The LIVRE here seems to mean the pound weight of silver.

PAGE 83. Benoit de Sainte-More's account of Harold's oath and agreement with duke William:

 
Si josta li dux son concile,
Ce sui lisant, à Bone vile.
Là fu li serremenz jurez,
Que Heraut meisme a devisez,
Que tant cum Ewart vivreit mais
Le regne li tendreit en pais,
Selon sa force, au suen poeir,
Senz fausser et senz déceveir;
E après qu'il sereit feniz,
Ci que del regne fust saisiz,
li tendreit vers toz homes nez
De ci qu'il i fust coronez;
E dès ceu jor en avant
L'en sera mais partot aidant;
Douvre, la tor e le chastel,
Si fort cum il est e si bel,
Baillera sempres bien garniz
E de vitaille repleniz
A ceus des suens qui lui plaira,
Qu'il à garder i trametra;
E s'aillors vout chasteaus fermer
Desus le rivage de mer,
Despense e vivre e estoveir,
Trovera tot de son aveir.
Eissi sor tot le saintuaire
Qu'on li vout aporter ne traire
Jura de sa main à tenir,
Senz rien fausser e senz guenchir.
E li dux, por lui mieuz aveir
Senz fausser e senz déceveir
 
 
E senz muer vers lui corage,
Aeliz la proz e la sage.
Sa fille, li ottreie e done,
Quant saisiz ert de la corone,
E del regne une meitié.
Mult en vout cil baisier le pié.
Iteux furent lor covenanz.
 

PAGE 98. For Easter should be read Noël (Christmas). Benoit de Sainte-More's account of the messages between Harold and William is as follows:

 
A Heraut tramist ses messages,
Vaillanz e bien apris e sages;
Si li manda qu'il aveit fait,
Kar ce li ert dit e retrait
Que la corone aveit saisie;
Mais ne féist teu félonie,
Car tote genz saveit assez
Cum li regnes li ert donez.
Il meesmes tot premerain
Li asséura de sa main.
Ne se parjurt ne se desleit;
Mais rende-li, si cum il deit,
L'onor, le regne e la corone
Que dreitore e raison li done;
Kar sache bien, si n'en dot mie,
Tant cum li seit eu cors la vie,
N'aura repos mais ne séjor
Ci que saisiz seit del honor.
Icist messages li fu faiz
E diz e contez e retraiz;
Mais mult li respondi petit
Fors orguil, contraire e despit;
Ainz ceus qui od lui se tenissent
E voluntiers li recoillissent,
Coveneit doner séurtances
E fers ostages e tenances.
 

PAGE 101. Benoit de Sainte-More's account of the council of Norman barons:

 
Cel ovraigne fist à saveir
A ses évesques hauz letrez,
E à ses chers barons privez,
Que li furent ami feeil,
E que il sout de haut conseil.
 
 
Roberz, li quens de Moretoin,
Qui unt de malveisté n'out soing,
Sis bons frères verais e cerz,
E li quens d'Ou, li proz Roberz,
Li quens d'Evereus, li sachanz,
Richarz li proz e li vaillanz,
E de Beaumunt li quens Rogers,
Qui mult ert saives chevaliers,
E Roger de Mungumeri,
N'est dreiz que lui vos en obli,
E Guillaume le fiz Osber,
Qui puis li out maint grant mester,
E Huges, li vesquens, li proz.
Icist, si cum je's vos nom toz,
Li conseillièrent e loèrent,
E tuit enfin s'i accordèrent,
Que il féist Heraut requerre
De la corone e de la terre,
Saveir e aprendre e oïr
Cum il s'en voudra contenir;
E, son ce qu'il en respondra,
Solom ice se contendra;
Ses messages tost li tramete
E tant dementres s'entremete
De faire assembler la navie
De par trestote Normendie;
Semunge veisins e amis
E ceus qui à lui sunt sozmis,
Que teus apareiz e si granz
Ne fu jostez mais par Normanz,
N'ovre el siècle si envaïe
Que ci seit lor morz ou lor vie.
 

PAGE 115. Benoit de Sainte-More's account of the apostolic grant to duke William:

 
L'apostoile se fist mult liez
Dunt si s'esteit humiliez;
Apostolial ottreiance,
Son le poeir de sa puissance,
L'en comanda e vout e dist
E par ses lettres li escrist
Que del conquerre ne se feigne;
Od tot li tramist une enseigne
De saint Père, por demostrer
Qu'à ce li volent ajuer.
Autorité sera e feiz
Que c'est sa corone e sis dreiz
Qu'il vout conquerre: si'n auront
Tuit cil qui oue lui seront
Partot mult maire séurtance
Que ne lor vienge meschaance.
 

PAGE 115. The parallel accounts of the comet in Wace, Benoit, and Gaimar, are as follow:

WACE.

 
El terme ke ço estre dut
Une esteile grant apparut,
E quatorze jors resplendi.
Od très lons rais deverz midi;
Tele esteile soit l'en veir
Quant novel rei deit regne aveir.
Asez vi homes ki la virent,
Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent:
Comete la deit apeler
Ki des esteiles volt parler.
 

BENOIT.

 
Dunc en ces jorz si faitement
Aparut sus el firmament,
Une clartez e un planète.
Une resplendisanz comète,
Dunt en eisseient trei grant rai.
Ce lis e truis e vei e sai
Que quinze nuiz durèrent bien.
Si distrent astrenomien
Que c'ert de regnes muemenz
Ou de reis ou de hautes genz.
 

GAIMAR.

 
Après lur mort une comète,
Une estoille, dont li prophète
Et li bon astronomien,
Sievent q'espeant mal ou bien,
Se démustra el firmament;
Assez la virent meinte gent
La nuit de Letanie majour
Fist tel clarté cum se fust jour.
Moult plusours homes l'esgardèrent:
Chascuns disoit sa divinaille;
Mès tost seurent la grant contraille,
E la grant tribulacion
Qe prius avint à la région.
 

PAGE 118. Benoit's account of leaders particularly distinguished at Hastings:

 
A cel estor, à cel content,
Dunt ci vos di e dunt je vos cont,
Robert fiz Roger de Beaumunt
Vos di qui fu teus chevaliers,
Si proz, si hardiz e si fiers
E si aidanz que ceste istoire
Me fait de lui mult grant mémoire.
Mult redélivrent forz les places
Il e ses genz quens Eustaces.
Si n'a durée acer ne fer.
Vers Guillaume le fiz Osber,
Qu'Engleis ateigne si garniz
De la mort ne puisse estre fiz.
Chevaliers i est forz e durs
E sage e sofranz e séurs;
E li bons visquens de Toarz
N'i est ne mauvais ne coarz,
Qui ert apelé Eimeris;
Mult i reçut le jor grant pris.
Gauter Gifart, savum de veir,
Qui out le jor grant estoveir,
Qu'abatuz fu de son destrier
Eissi que cinc cenz chevalier
Des lor l'aveient jà outré,
Toz ert li secors oublié,
Quant li bons dux de Normendie
Od l'espée d'acer forbie
L'ala secorre e délivrer
E faire sempres remonter.
En si fait lieu n'iert mais retrait
Que tel esforz cum ceu seit fait
Par un prince qui au munt vive.
Nus ne content ne nus n'estrive
Que le pris n'en fust suens le jor
De la bataille e del estor;
Poi out de mort crieme e regart
A rescorre Gauter Gifart.
N'en i r'out gaires de plus buens
Qui fu le jor Hues li quens,
E Guillaume cil de Warenne
R'ida à conquerra le regne
Cum buens chevalers e hardiz.
 

PAGE 119. The wonders of the forest of Brecheliant may be found in the extracts from the Chevalier au Lion, and the Roman de Brun de la Montagne, printed in M. le Roux de Lincy's Livre des Legendes, vol. i. page 225 and 260.

PAGE 135. Benoit's account of the commencement of Tosti's expedition:

 
Un frère aveit Heraut puisnez,
Qui Tostis esteit apelez.
Ne trais pas bien apertement
Por qu'il erent si malement.
Au duc s'en ert Tostis venu,
Qui mult l'aveit gent recéu
E chers tenuz e honorez
E ses riches aveirs donez.
Chevaliers ert e bons vassaus,
Prozdom e entiers e leiaus;
Merveilles out grant desier
D'aler son frère guerreier,
De tolir chasteaus e citez;
Kar trop s'ert vers lui maumenez,
Mult volentiers e bonement,
Od le haut conseil de sa gent,
Li quist li dux tot estoveir,
Nefs, gens, armes à son voleir.
Eissi corut à grant esforz
Vers Engleterre dreit as porz.
 

PAGE 136. Benoit's account of the private advice given to William from England:

 
Un produem riche e assazez
Qui de Normendie esteit nez,
Mais en cele terre maneit,
Où richement se conteneit;
Certainement, de veir, senz faille,
Sout cum il ert de la bataille
Où Heraut out son frère occis.
Un mult séur messages a pris,
Si'l tramist au duc erraument.
A desséu de tote gent,
Dist-li qu'il ert e dunt veneit
E qui à lui le trameteit;
Après li a l'ovre contée
Que sis sire li out mandée,
Coment Heraut s'ert combatuz
Qui ceus de Norwège out vencuz,
E ocis son frère e le rei
E ceus qu'il amena od sei,
Où plus aveit de vint milliers.
De là retorne forz e fiers,
Od plus a de cent mile armez.
Od poples teus ne fu jostez.
"De tei trover unt teu desir
Jà n'i cuident à tens venir.
Gart, pren conseil, ne t'asséure,
Kar périllose est l'ovre e dure.
Tant as éu honor e pris,
Gar qu'or ne seies entrepris,
Ne de haster pas de combatre
De metre ta gent ne d'embatre
En leu par trop fol ovre enprise
Où ele seit morte e occise,
Ne tu abaissiez ne périz."
"Amis, fait li dux, granz merciz
Bien fist ton seignor del mander
E bien en fait à mercier;
Mais tant li di que je li mant.
Qui damne-Deu trait à garant,
Qui il conduit e tient e maine,
Qui juste cause a dreite e saine,
En liu d'aveir, honor e gloire,
Valor e puissance e victoire,
Deit bien aveir, s'en lui a fei.
Tot eissi le quit-je de mei,
Kar j'ai dreit e mun dreit demant
E lui trai partot à garant.
Si'l conquerra; kar contre lui
N'a nus ne force ne refui,
Valor, défense ne poeir.
Or seit del tot au suen voleir.
 

PAGE 145. The following is the legend referred to in the note, as contained in the continuation of Wace's Brut d'Angleterre, as to Harold's employment on the morning of the battle. The proper version, however, of the story ought obviously to lay the scene at Waltham, and consequently at an earlier date. It is so told, in fact, in the Waltham legends,—Cott. MSS. Jul. D. vi. and Harleian, No. 3776.

 
Li rois, ki mult fu travaille,
La nuit se est reposé;
Par matin se est levé,
Sa messe oïr est alé,
Assez près à un moster
Son chapelain fist chanter.
Quant li prestres out sacré
E la PATER NOSTER chanté,
Este-vus ke vient la crié:
"Le dux sur nus vient armé!"
Li rois, ki oï la crié,
Durement estoit affraé;
De la messe tan tost se mist,
As armes corut sanz respit.
Si le AGNUS DEI eust atendu
E la PAIS eust recéu,
Par pais eust la terre tenu,
U par bataille le dux vencu.
Quant il issit del moster,
La croiz, ke fu fait de père,
Après le rois ad encliné
C'onques puis la teste levé.
Ki ke volt ceo saver,
A Walteham, ultre le halt auter,
Meimes eel croiz purra trover
E roi Haraud gisant en quer.
 

PAGE 177. As to the English standard see below, additional note to p. 252.

PAGE 191. Benoit's account of Taillefer's exploits:

 
Uns Taillefer, ce dit l'escriz,
I aveit mult grant pris conquis;
Mais il i fu morz e occis.
Tant esteit grant sis hardemenz
Qu'en mi les presses de lor genz
Se colout autresi séur
Cume s'il i fust clos de mur;
E puis qu'il out plaies mortex,
Puis i fu-il si proz e teus
Que chevalier de nul parage
N'i fist le jor d'eus teu damage.
 

Gaimar's version of the story is as follows:

 
Quant les escheles furent rengées
Et de férir appareillées,
Mult i out genz d'ambes dous parz;
De hardement semblent léoparz.
Un des François donc se hasta,
Devant les autres chevaucha.
Talifer ert cil appellez,
Juglère hardi estait assez;
Armes avoit et bon cheval,
Si ert hardiz et noble vassal.
Devant les autres cil se mist,
Devant Englois merveilles fist;
Sa lance prist par le tuet
Si com ceo fust un bastonet,
Encontremont halt l'engetta
Et par le fer receue l'a.
.Iij. fois issi getta sa lance,
La quarte foiz puis s'avance,
Entre les Englois la launça,
Par mi le cors un en navera,
Puis trest s'espée, arère vint,
Et getta l'espée qu'il tint,
Encontremont haut le receit.
L'un dit al autre, qi ceo veit,
Qe ceo estoit enchantement.
Cil se fiert devant la gent
Quant .iij. foiz out getté l'espée.
Le cheval ad la goule baée,
Vers les Englois vint eslessé.
Auquanz quident estre mangé
Pur le cheval q'issi baout.
Li jugléour enprès venout,
Del espée fiert un Engleis,
Le poign li fet voler maneis;
Un autre férit tant cum il pout,
Mau guerdon le jour en out;
Car li Englois de totes parz
Li launcent gavelocs et darz,
Si l'occistrent et son destrer:
Mar demanda le coup primer.
 

PAGE 210. Greater authority should, perhaps, be assigned to the Bec record, from the fact that the author of part of it was one of the family, namely, Milo Crespin, cantor Becci, probably before 1150.

PAGE 211. The pedigree of the Roumares, and their illustrious connections, is now fully elucidated, in correction of Dugdale, &c. by Mr. Stapleton, in Bowles's History of Lacock Abbey. Wace lived in the time of all three of the Williams. The second died in 1152, before his father the earl, who made a pilgrimage to St. James. Both Roger (or more properly Robert) and his father Gerold the dapifer, were living at the conquest. Robert is the Robertus filius Giroldi of Domesday, then possessor of Corfe Castle.

PAGE 213. In the Adas to vol. viii. of Mémoires des Antiquaires Norm. there are two seals of Fulks D'Aunou, from charters to the abbey of Gouffern. In the first, of the twelfth century, the name is written FULCONIS DE ALNUIO; in the second, of the thirteenth century, it stands FULCONIS DÑI DE ALNETO, MILITIS.

PAGE 213. See the descent of Tancarville, in common with that of Roumare, elucidated by Mr. Stapleton's evidence in Bowles's Hist. of Lacock Abbey, p. 69.

PAGE 221—236. See considerable information as to the family of VITRÉ in the Hist. of Lacock, p. 264.

PAGE 222. The Epinay here referred to must clearly be Epinay-Tesson, arrondissement of Bayeux. Our reference to Hardy's Rot. Norm, should be to p. 16, as quoted before at p. 208.

PAGE 227. As to Brix and Bruis, see further Mr. Stapleton, in Bowles's Hist. of Lacock Abbey, p. 76.

PAGE 231. Robert de Oilgi and Roger de Ivri furnish an instance of the sworn brotherhood in arms, which occurs among the early Normans; see Introd. Domesday, i. 458. Eudo filius Spirewic, the ancestor of the Tateshalls, is another well known example. He fraternized with Pinco; and they received a joint reward, comprising the barony of Tateshall in Lincolnshire.

PAGE 232. The families holding Sap and Gloz figure repeatedly in Orderic. Vital. who was their neighbour at St. Evroult. William de Gloz, the dapifer, is an important person in Orderic's strange story (lib. viii. 695.) of the monk who saw the ghosts of the evil doers suffering their penances.

PAGE 234. For Werlene, read Werlenc.

PAGE 237. In the sixth line of the notes Dunfront should be Domfront; and in the ninth line for and, read who.

PAGE 244. See the quotation above, in this appendix, in reference to page 118.

PAGE 252. The Bayeux Tapestry exhibits,—both as borne aloft near Harold and also as lying by his feet,—a curious sort of ensign, standard, or military ornament, apparently representing a DRAGON. The CROSS generally appears on its Norman gonfanons. It may be here noticed that Wace, vol. i. p. 201, mentions that the gonfanon borne by the baron appointed to lead the Normans in 945 under Richard I. was 'vermeille d'Espagne.'

PAGE 254. Benoit's account of the result of the battle:

 
Ainz que partist icil tooilz,
Fu reis Heraut morz abatuz,
Par mi les deus costez féruz
De treis granz lances acérées,
E par le chef de dous espées
Qui entrèrent jusqu'as oreilles
Que les plantes en out vermeilles.
 

In L'Estoire de Seint Edward we only find,

 
Li rois féruz en l'oil d'unt dart
Chet e tost est défulez,
Périz, ocist e adirez;
E sun estandart abatuz,
E li ostz d'Engleiz vencus;
E murut i quens Gruith si frère,
E quens Leuwine.
 

PAGE 258. Benoit's account of Harold's interment:

 
Li reis Heraut fu séveliz;
E si me retrait li escriz
Que sa mère por lui aveir
Vout au due doner grant aveir;
Mais n'en vout unques dener prendre
Ne por riens nule le cors rendre;
Mais à un Guillaume Malet,
Qui n'ert tosel pas ne vaslet,
Mais chevaliers dura e vaillanz.
Icist l'en fu taut depreianz
Qu'il li dona à enfoïr
Là où li vendreit à plaisir.
 

The continuer of Wace's Brut says:

 
Ki ke volt ceo saver
A Walteham, ultra le haut auter,
Meimes cel croiz purra trover,
E roi Harau gisant en quer;
 

and afterwards,

 
Heraud a Walteham fu porté
Ilokes gist enterré.
Ilokes gist enterré.
 

The following is the account in L'Estoire de Seint Ædward le rei:

 
Le cors le roi Haraud unt quis
E truvé entre les ocis;
E pur ço ke il rois esteit,
Granté est k'enterrez seit.
Par la prière sa mère,
Porté fu le cors en bère,
A Wautham est mis en carcu;
Kar de la maisun fundur fu.
 

The life of Harold in the Harl. MSS. 3776, will, we believe, be given in the Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, now publishing at Rouen. It is a very interesting story; though, as to the tale it records of Harold's escape, we may say with Knyghton, 'de istâ opinione fiat qualiter poterit.' It may be worth while to quote the following summary of that part of the legend which relates to this subject. "Harold was thought by his companions to be mortally wounded, and was, to all appearance, dead; but when the field of battle was examined, by some women searching for their friends, it was discovered that life still lingered in the body. By the care of two English franklins he was removed to Winchester, where his wounds were healed by the surgical skill of a certain cunning woman of oriental extraction; and, during two long years, he remained in concealment in an obscure dwelling. With the return of his wonted strength of body and energy of mind, a melancholy spectacle presented itself to him. He saw his kingdom under the dominion of a foreign enemy; he noticed the firmness with which the policy and courage of William had established him on the throne; and he every where marked the wide-spreading ramifications of the feudal system; attaching, by military tenure and self-interest, a sturdy Norman holder to each rood of subjugated England. His nobles were now petty franklins; his subjects were hereditary bondsmen. They had lost much of that independence of spirit which is born and dies with liberty; and they were contented hewers of wood, and drawers of water, for their new masters. They had made no effort to throw off the yoke which had been placed on their necks; town after town, and county after county, had submitted without opposition; and William, the conqueror of England, was now its crowned and acknowledged sovereign. Harold saw that foreign assistance was necessary, ere he could hope to redeem his country from the bondage of the invaders. His first attempt was to obtain aid from Saxony: in this he was unsuccessful. Thence he proceeded to Denmark, but found that a mission from William had secured the good graces, or, at least, the neutrality of that kingdom. The bitter disappointment originating in this ruin of his hopes was succeeded by another feeling; he recognised, in these baffled attempts, the workings of a superior power, admonishing him to abandon all idea of a restoration to the throne of England. New ideas and feelings awoke in his heart; his dreams of ambition and revenge were succeeded by humiliation and penance; he threw the helmet from his brow, and the mail from his breast, and went, a barefooted pilgrim, to the land of Palestine. During many years spent in this pious occupation, he subjected himself to the greatest privations and austerities. Warned by the approaching weakness of old age that his dissolution was at hand, he yielded to the desire which now haunted him of dying in the island which gave him birth. He landed at Dover; he climbed the lofty cliff; and again he saw the land which was once his own. Our legend does not expatiate upon the feelings which must have swelled within his breast as he gazed: we are told, however, that they were checked and subdued by the pre-dominating influence of religion, which had taught him to understand the relative happiness of his former and his present condition. Having assumed the name of Christian, and concealed his scarred features beneath a cowl, he journeyed through Kent, and arrived at a secluded spot in Shropshire, which the legend names Ceswrthin. Here he constructed himself a cell, in which he remained ten years; but at length he was compelled to seek some other abode; 'not,' says the legend, 'because he shrank from enduring the annoyances to which the Welsh frequently exposed him by beating him and stealing his clothes, but because he wished to devote the remainder of his existence to undisturbed meditation and prayer.' He left this cell without any definite idea as to his future residence; but having wandered to Chester, he there received a supernatural intimation that he would find a dwelling prepared for him in the chapel of St. James, within the churchyard of St. John the Baptist, situated upon the banks of the river Dee, a little beyond the walls of that city. Upon arriving at the spot thus pointed out, he found that a hermit, the late tenant of the cell, had recently expired, and he gladly took possession of the new residence thus provided for him. During the space of seven years which he spent in Chester, circumstances occurred which originated and gradually strengthened into certainty the suspicion that this recluse was a Saxon chief of former importance, if not Harold himself. When questioned as to his name and origin, he returned evasive answers, but never a direct negative to those who asserted that he was once the king of England. He admitted that he had been present at the battle of Hastings; and that no one was nearer or dearer to Harold the king than was Christian the hermit. But the approach of death revealed the secret, and converted doubt into certainty; for he acknowledged in his last confession that he was indeed the last Saxon king of England."