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The kingdom of LEON is divided into five provinces, Salamanca, Valladolid, Zamora, Palencia, Leon. Salamanca lies along the Portuguese frontier, which is here formed by the Rivers Douro and Agueda. The city (15,000) was famous throughout the early part of the Middle Ages for its university and for its Arabic and Hebrew learning. It thus became in popular estimation the home of magic and of the black arts, and as such its name is found in the folk-lore tales of many parts of Europe; its students, poor, riotous, and witty, made it the birthplace of the peculiar, picaresque romance literature of Spain, from Lazarillo de Tormes to Gil Blas. Like all the Spanish provincial universities, it is but the shadow of its former self, nor does the city preserve any of the older features which still make Toledo a delight to the tourist. Its old bridge over the Tormes is said to date from Roman times. Bejar (8000) does a fair trade as a manufactory of cloth. Ciudad Rodrigo (5000) is one of the strongest fortresses of Spain, and guards, with Badajoz, the frontier against Portugal. The provinces of Salamanca and Zamora contain some of the most peculiar and picturesque peasantry yet remaining in Spain; even around Salamanca the festal dresses of the Charros and Charras are rich with gold and silver ornaments of Moorish type. In the valley of the Batuecas, amid the Sierra de Gata, the Hurdes, and to the west of Zamora, the Sayagos, and again, the Maragatos, to the north-west of the province, in the mountains of Leon, are all remnants of ancient races, preserving habits and tribal customs and laws, differing from their neighbours, and well worthy of the study, as survivals, of the comparative ethnologist. The contrabandistas of the province are among the boldest in Spain; they cross the Douro and its deep ravine, sometimes on rafts or on inflated skins; at others, when the river is in flood, in baskets suspended from ropes flung across the whole ravine.
Zamora (10,000), formerly a strong walled city on the Douro, in a rich country, notwithstanding the rail which unites it to the Medina del Campo, still remains one of the decaying towns of Spain. Toro (9000), higher up the stream, is a busier town. A great impulse will probably be given to all this district, now one of the most behindhand in Spain, by the completion of the Portuguese lines of Beira-alta, connecting Lisbon and Oporto with Paris by the North Spanish lines. Benavente (5000), on the Esla, is the only other town we have to notice.
Leon, which gave its name to one of the old kingdoms of Spain before the re-conquest of the Castiles, is full of towns which recall the glories of the past, but which are of little importance in modern times. The capital (9000) is noted for its cathedral and churches, which are perhaps the purest specimens of Gothic, unmixed with Arabian art, to be found in Spain. The province is generally mountainous, especially to the north and west, and the higher lands afford excellent summer pasture for flocks from the plains, and even from Estremadura. The valley of the Esla is extremely fertile. Astorga (5000) may be considered as the Capital of the Maragatos, of whom we have spoken above; like Sahagun (3000), it is a town of ancient consequence now dwindling to insignificance. The "fuero" or charter of Sahagun, 1085, was the model of the "fueros" or constitutional privileges of the Castiles, which were eventually lost in the war of the comuneros in the time of Charles V.
Palencia.—Through this province passes the canal of Castile from Alar del Rey to Valladolid, borrowing its waters from the Pisuerga, and is the most useful for transport of all the canals of Spain. This waterway is less needed now, owing to the railway of the north from Valladolid to Santander, to Bilbao, and to San Sebastian, which runs parallel to it; but it will be always available for local traffic. The capital is a walled city on the banks of the Carrion, a little above its junction with the Pisuerga, an affluent of the Douro; its cathedral is remarkable for its size and simplicity, but is otherwise inferior to Leon. The valleys, watered by these rivers are very rich in cereals, which find their outlet for exportation at Santander. The great coal-field of the Asturias extends into the north of this province, and at Barruelo de Santillana is largely worked by the Northern Railway Company, and supplies Madrid with a yearly increasing quantity of coal. The villages near the mines are fast becoming populous towns.
Valladolid (52,000) was till the middle of the sixteenth century the capital of Spain, and is likely to become of great importance in the near future as the point of junction of all the Spanish and Portuguese railways of the north and west. The Douro flows through the centre of the province, and the plains of Valladolid are perhaps the most fertile of all those in North-western Spain. It is a great centre for the corn-trade of the Castiles, and the smoke from its tall chimneys tells also of manufacturing industry. There are here two colleges for Scotch and Irish students for the Roman Catholic priesthood. They were established at the time of the persecutions in England, but are much less frequented now than formerly. Medina del Campo (4500) an ancient commercial city, was ruined in the wars of the comuneros, but may recover somewhat of its former traffic as a junction of railways. A town of similar name and standing, Medina de Rio Seco (4500), is in the north of the province; both are situated in rich corn-growing plains. Tordesillas (3500), on the Douro, owes its existence to the junction of roads which cross the river by its noble bridge. In this province is the Castle of Simancas, wherein are deposited the archives of Spain, as those of the Indies are at Seville. Long closed to the world, they are now open to the researches of scholars, and guides and inventories in aid are being published during the present year.
The Balearic Isles
These islands are geologically a submarine continuation of the Valencian mountains which sink into the sea at Cape Nao. They are divided into two groups: (1) Minorca, Majorca, Cabrera, and a few islets; the nearest point of which to the mainland is Soller on Majorca, ninety-three miles distant; (2) Iviza and Formentera, with some smaller satellites, are within sixty miles of the Spanish coast. The whole superficies of the islands is nearly two thousand square miles. The inhabitants number about 290,000. The climate is equable but exceedingly variable within somewhat narrow limits; the average both for Minorca and Majorca being sixty-four, the highest temperature ninety, and the lowest forty-four. The average rainfall is nearly twenty inches. Majorca, the largest of the islands is about sixty miles from east to west, and fifty from north to south. The surface is very broken, but with a few fertile plains; the greatest elevation is 5000 feet. Minorca, twenty and a half miles to the east of Majorca, is twenty miles long by six broad. Iviza, the largest island of the western group is only four miles by four. The highest points of these two islands are about 1000 feet; but Iviza retains traces of volcanic action which seem to connect it geologically with the extinct Catalan volcanoes, by way of the Columbretes rocks, and the Point de la Baña at the mouth of the Ebro. Majorca and Minorca are remarkable for erections called "Talayots," similar to the "Nuraghies" of Sardinia; they are the work of one of the many prehistoric, or at least unrecorded races whose blood mingles in the veins of the present inhabitants, and the origin of them has given rise to almost as many theories as those of the round towers of Ireland and Scotland. In the west of Majorca is the remarkable and extensive cavern of Arta. The language of the islanders is one of the purest dialects of the Provençal speech. The only separate race now in the islands is that of the "Chuetas" or converted Jews, who still keep apart notwithstanding their nominal Christianity. The population is mostly engaged in agriculture, and the islands export fruits, oil, leather, and a few cattle, to an annual value altogether of 350,000l, while the imports amount to 210,000l. The land is cultivated mostly by peasant proprietors and metayers in small holdings, and by reason of steady emigration those who remain are fairly prosperous. The people show strong aesthetic tastes, and the art school of Palma is one of the most flourishing of the whole of Spain. The chief towns on Majorca are Palma, on the east coast, of 58,000 inhabitants; Manacor, in the centre, of 12,500; Felanitz, 10,000; and Llummayor, Soller, Inca, and Pollensa, of about 8000 each. Minorca has only two towns of importance, Port Mahon, 22,000, and Ciudella, 7000, at opposite extremities of the island. Port Mahon is perhaps the finest harbour in the Mediterranean, and is also one of its strongest fortresses; during the English occupation the town attained great prosperity. Iviza has only one town, of the same name as the island, containing 5500 inhabitants. We have noticed before that the majolica ware was not made in these islands, but at Valencia, and that it acquired the name from Balearic vessels being used for its export to Italy.
CHAPTER VI.
HISTORY AND POLITICAL CONSTITUTION
IN order to understand the present constitution, the political condition, and the aspirations of the Spanish nation, it is absolutely necessary to have some slight acquaintance with its previous history. This we propose to give as briefly as possible.
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries there is no doubt that the inhabitants of Northern Spain, under some of the petty kings, enjoyed more constitutional liberty than any other people in Europe; that their institutions generally, and especially their municipal privileges, were more in accordance with the ideas of modern freedom and self-government than those of any other nation at that date. The feudal system never attained in Northern Spain, except in parts of Catalonia, the systematic development, and the organized oppression of the lower classes, which it reached in many other parts of Europe. The peculiar institution of "behetria," which prevailed in Leon and the Castiles, and by which a serf was free to go whither he would "from sea to sea," with all his goods, and to put himself under any lord he chose, was of itself an almost sufficient check to excessive tyranny by the nobles. The old Roman municipal organization, of the towns had been preserved by tradition throughout the whole of the Visigothic times down to 711, nor had the practical working completely died out at the epoch of the early reconquest of the north. Hence many of the charters or "fueros" granted to the towns and cities by the kings are evidently founded on a recollection of former institutions, modified according to the necessities of the times. Thus the charter of Leon (1020) expressly allows exemption from all arbitrary exactions, and grants the free election of the Alcalde, and of the municipal council, with only the appointment of the judges by the king. By the fuero of Arganzon (1191) it is expressly stated that if these royal officers overpassed their duties, it would be lawful to kill them without incurring any responsibility. Similar but still more strongly-worded clauses are found in all the Basque fueros, and in the coronation oath of Aragon.
The representatives of the burgesses, "el estado llano," the low estate in the "Cortés" or parliaments, began much earlier in Spain than in other countries. Burgesses sat in the Cortés at Leon certainly in 1188, if not in that of Burgos in 1169. In Aragon they were present still earlier, in 1134, in Navarre in 1194, in Catalonia, where feudalism was more developed than elsewhere, in 1218. These dates are simply those of the first mention of the fact, not necessarily that of its first institution; the records rather imply their presence at former sessions. We find also early protests against judicial and administrative abuses which prevailed long afterwards in other parts of Europe. In the fuero of Arganzon (1191) the inhabitants claim exemption from the ordeal of iron, hot-water, or battle. In 1152, the fuero of Molina demands that justice be done to all, and truth spoken without favour or bribery of any kind whatever. The original capitulations granted to the Moors and Mudejares of Castile, and especially to those of Aragon, breathe the same liberal spirit. They are granted full liberty in the exercise of their own religion, and to live under their own laws in their own quarters, subject only to some fixed tribute and service. The spirit of bigotry and of hatred between the two races commenced with the foreign monks, with the semi-religious military orders, and with the legal classes; afterwards it spread to the common people through envy at the better use which the Jews, Mudejares, and Moriscos made of the privileges granted to them, and the consequent superiority of their condition compared with that of the serfs and lower classes of the Christians. It is this fact which explains the rising of the population at Saragossa in favour of the inquisition against the Mudejares and Jews. Travellers in Spain, even to the middle of the fifteenth century, were scandalized at the toleration of the Moors by the king and the court. Theologians, lawyers (except the royal judges), medical men, and traders were they who called for oppression of the Moors; the two last classes evidently through jealousy of the superior skill and industry of Moors and Jews as doctors and merchants; the literary class, the poets, nobles, and kings were in favour of toleration. Afterwards indeed, in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries, the ravages of the pirate ships of Algiers and Tunis roused an indignation and excited a far more intense abhorrence than had existed in earlier times, when Christian and Moslem knights met in fair and equal warfare.
The development of these early liberties, and the progress of the cause of toleration and of true civilization in Spain, were checked by circumstances which would assuredly have acted in a similar way in any other nation. The establishment of the military orders, the conquest of the south, especially the last campaign against Granada, put forces into the hand of the king greater than those possessed at that time by any other monarch. The richest half of Spain, the newly-conquered Mussulman provinces, had not only no liberties of their own except those granted in their respective capitulations, and which were speedily revoked, but had neither knowledge of, nor any interest in the liberties of the north. They were entirely at the mercy of their conquerors, Ferdinand and Isabella, who had the control of the finest army of Christendom. The mastership of all the great semi-monastic military orders, which had hitherto been elective, was now granted to Ferdinand by Pope Innocent VIII. (1492), and they were incorporated with the crown by a bull of Adrian VI. (1523). An almost equally powerful engine in the royal hands was the secret police of the Santa Hermandad (1476), founded to restrain the excesses of the nobles and the practice of private war. The success of this institution in the cause of order explains both the institution and the popularity of the inquisition. It is easy to see what a leverage was thus put into the royal hands to destroy the liberties of the north of Spain. Add to this that the separate kingdoms, Navarre, Aragon, Valencia, the Castiles, and the Basque Provinces had not yet been united under a single head, nor had learned to work together, except in war, for a single purpose. Catalonia and Aragon had indeed some sympathy with each other, but they had none with Leon and Castile; their peculiar language and habits isolated the Basque Provinces and Navarre from any of the rest. A century of free representation and debate in a national Cortés might have changed all this, but the opportunity was not given. The discovery and the conquest of America, and the subsequent emigration of the bolder spirits, turned men's thoughts away from internal reform and the home constitution. Next the fatal election to the empire of Charles V. threw into his hands fitting agents, in his foreign and ecclesiastical ministers and governors, wherewith to crush any rising of the people. Cardinal Ximenes was the only minister in Europe who at that date could have pointed to a standing army with the proud words, "With these I govern Castile; and with these I will govern it, until the king, your master and mine, takes possession of his kingdom."
Yet even to the end of the seventeenth century the king swore to preserve the ancient privileges of Aragon and Catalonia. The "fueros" of Navarre were intact until 1840, and those of the Basque Provinces till 1874. The wonder is, not that the Spanish liberties were crushed, but that the memory of them should have continued so long, and after so many ages of repression should yet be a living force with which every statesman and ruler of Spain has still to make his account.
The suppression of Spanish liberty had already begun under the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, but the death of Francis I. and the retreat of Charles V. into the cloister of San Juste definitely closes both the period of chivalry and of such liberties as existed through the Middle Ages in Europe. With Philip II. begins the era of statesmanship and of bureaucratic centralization, when nations were really ruled from the closet and with the pen, not with the sovereign's sword or by his presence in the field. It is difficult for an Englishman to sympathize with the view, but the period of Philip II. is still looked upon by the majority of Spaniards as the golden era of the external position of Spain. His absolutism, and his concentration in his own person of all civil and religious rights, are condoned in their eyes by the glory of his having made Spain the arbiter of Europe and the champion of Catholicism. But with his successor set in that strange and progressive decadence of intellectual power in the sovereigns of the Austrian dynasty in Spain, which ended in the almost idiotcy of the childless Charles II. Spain, which in the reign of Philip II. had all but imposed the sovereign of her choice in France, in the reign of Charles II. was ruled according to the intrigues and caprice of the court of Versailles. Philip V., the grandson of Louis XIV., though vastly superior to the late Austrian sovereigns, could never thoroughly emancipate himself from the tutelage of the country to whose armies he owed his crown; and the family degeneracy, which had shown itself in the Austrian sovereigns, again appeared in the Bourbon family, and communicated itself to the whole nation. The military and naval greatness of Spain disappeared, the very wish for constitutional liberty died out, commerce and literature were almost extinct, the population was declining in numbers and increasing in misery, the country was daily growing poorer, and its wealth was ebbing slowly away to other lands. The noble aristocracy of Spain, once so full of loyal self-respect in the age of the Cid, grovelled at the sovereign's feet, jealous only for precedence in matters of court etiquette, or clamorous for posts in the colonies as a means of corruption, and of enriching themselves by the plunder of the provinces they administered. The only king who showed some royal talent, and who intelligently endeavoured to effect the improvement of Spain, was Charles III. (1759—1788). Unfortunately both he and his able ministers, instead of basing their reforms on the native liberties and constitutions of Spain, imitated almost wholly the spurious liberalism of the encyclopædists and doctrinaires of France. Hence few of their reforms took root. Those that were not immediately done away with did not grow or develope. The successors of Charles III. were still more feeble than his immediate predecessors, and the condition of the royal family was such that Napoleon had no difficulty in forcing them to abdicate, and to crown his brother Joseph king of Spain; but the nation, unlike the royal family, refused to acquiesce in this usurpation of their rights, and rose as one man to avenge the burning wrong.
The modern history of Spain begins naturally with that of the War of Liberation, May 2nd, 1808, and politically with the Cortés of Cadiz, 1812, and with the constitution then promulgated. This declares: That the Spanish nation is not the patrimony of any family or person; that the sovereignty resides essentially in the nation, which is the conservator of its own liberties and rights. The sole religion is and shall always be the Apostolic Roman. The legislative power resides in the Cortés with the king. The suffrage was universal, and one deputy was to be elected for every 70,000 souls. Entails and feudal privileges had been abolished by a law of August 6th, 1811, the liberty of the press was voted, and in 1813 the inquisition was suppressed. The French had been expelled, chiefly through the assistance of England, and the king had returned from captivity; all looked well for the new era. But in 1814 Ferdinand VII. violated the oath which he had sworn to observe the constitution; the inquisition was re-established; the feudal exactions on real property were restored; and the fatal policy of violent reaction and of ruthless vengeance on political opponents was inaugurated which has wrought such deadly harm to the cause of progress in Spain. After an absolute government of six years, Riego raised the standard of revolt at Cadiz, and again Ferdinand swore to observe the constitution of 1812: further reforms were established. In 1820, tithes were partially suppressed, and the Church was forbidden to acquire any more real property. A law of May 3rd, 1823, affirmed in stronger terms the law of 1813 on the abolition of entail: the religious orders were done away with. But in the same year, with the assistance of a French army under the Duc d'Angoulême, Ferdinand conquered the liberals and again violated his oath to observe the constitution. Every act of the Cortés for the last four years was annulled. Riego, with other chiefs of the liberal party, was put to death under circumstances of atrocious cruelty, others were banished, and a crafty and tenacious system of persecution was directed against every liberal for the rest of the reign. During this reign, too, through denial of all reform or suppression of any abuse, the whole of the vast colonial empire of Spain on the continent of the Americas was totally lost.
On the death of Ferdinand VII., June 29, 1833, another element of discord was introduced. The first Bourbon king, Philip V., in defiance of ancient Spanish precedents to the contrary, had introduced the Salic law from France, and had procured its solemn promulgation by Cortés. Ferdinand VII., with the consent of Cortés, abrogated this law, and left the crown to his only child, Isabella II., an infant of less than three years old, with her mother, Christina of Naples, as regent. His brother, Don Carlos, who, since the king's last marriage, had been intriguing against him with the ultra-conservative party, claimed the throne under the law of Philip V. Henceforth a dynastic question was added to the standing constitutional one.
The Carlists declared themselves the champions of legitimacy, the divine right, and of absolutism; and thus forced the party of Isabella, the Christinos, to appeal for support to the liberal and constitutional party, though they had no more real attachment to the cause, and no more intelligent appreciation of its benefits than had their opponents. A blunder of the liberal party in hesitating to confirm the "fueros" of the Basques, the last vestige still intact of the ancient constitutional and municipal liberties of Spain, greatly strengthened their opponents, who at once seized the opportunity and loudly confirmed them. A war of seven years followed, in which the older liberal generals lost all their former military prestige against Zumalacarregui in the Basque Provinces, and against Cabrera in Aragon. But the assistance of England, and still more the incapacity of Don Carlos, at length enabled Espartero to finish the war by the convention of Vergara, August 30, 1839, by which fueros were confirmed to the Basques on their laying down arms. Cabrera continued the war in Aragon and Catalonia, but two years afterwards was forced with his followers to take refuge in France. During this period constitutional liberty had apparently made great progress in Spain, and several useful reforms had been set on foot. But its course had been marred by deeds of atrocious violence, such as the massacre of the monks and the destruction of the convents in 1835, when valuable treasures, both in art and literature, which had been spared in the great Peninsular War, were finally lost. All ecclesiastical and church property had been declared national, and the sale of it had been commenced, tithes were wholly suppressed, the mesta was abolished—with results as to the division of property detailed in a former chapter. From the regency of Christina dates, in a great degree, the shameless corruption, the selfish intrigues, the abuses of all kinds among the upper employés, which with rare exceptions have marked every subsequent government of Spain. A reaction set in in 1843, with Narvaez as its real chief. To his stern administration, however, are due the establishment of the normal and technical schools, the foundation of the present educational system in Spain, and the institution of the guardias civiles, a kind of police after the model of the French gendarmerie or the Irish constabulary, and which has proved itself the most trustworthy body in Spain in defence of law and order under all changes of government. It would be a weariness to the reader to recount all the changes from liberalism to absolutism which followed during the reign of Isabella II. No administration succeeded in impressing on the bulk of the nation the fact that it was honest and capable; none won respect abroad. Perhaps that of O'Donnell (1858-63), during which occurred the successful campaign in Morocco, was the least corrupt and inefficient; but the indignation of the country at the shame and corruption of both court and government broke forth at last, and a movement, headed by Admiral Topete and the fleet at Cadiz, in 1868 overthrew the Government, forced Isabella to fly, and declared the Bourbons incapable of ruling in Spain.
On the abdication of Isabella II. in favour of her son, and her retirement into France, a provisional government was formed with Serrano, Topete, and Prim as chief members, to hold the reins of power until Cortés should elect a new sovereign. The choice proved far more difficult than was expected. Topete and others favoured the claims of the Duc de Montpensier, the brother-in-law of the late queen, but the objection to any of the Bourbon family was at that time too strong; others desired to seize the opportunity of uniting Spain and Portugal under one head by electing a member of the Portuguese royal family; but this was rejected by the princes of Portugal. Two years were spent in these debates, but at last the choice of Prim prevailed, and Amadeo, the second son of Victor Emmanuel II. of Italy, was elected sovereign, 16th November, 1870. The murder of his chief supporter, Prim, before he reached Madrid, deprived him of the only support which might have consolidated his dynasty. Had it not been for the deeply-rooted dislike of all Spaniards to a foreign ruler, Amadeo would have proved by far the best sovereign that had sat upon the throne for many generations. He honestly respected the constitution. His court was pure and incorrupt. He was intelligently devoted to the best interests of Spain; but he found all his efforts at improvement and reform utterly thwarted by the intrigues of the nobility and of the upper employés of every kind, and after a trial of two years he resigned a post which he could no longer maintain with true dignity and self-respect, and retired to Portugal, February 11th, 1873. Thereupon a republic was proclaimed by Cortés, with Figueras, Castelar, and Pi y Margall as chief ministers. But the events of the last few years, the weakening of the central authority, the attention which the Carlist rising in the north had drawn to the ancient "fueros" or constitutional privileges of Spain, on the one side, and the incidents of the war with the Paris Commune in France, together with the influence of those of the communists who had found refuge in the industrial cities of the east and south, on the other, produced constant revolts in favour of a federal or cantonalist government of the separate provinces. On July 15th, 1873, Don Carlos (Carlos VII.) the grandson of the Don Carlos (Carlos V.) of the seven years' war, although both his uncles and his father had solemnly renounced their rights to the throne, re-entered the Basque Provinces, from which he had been quickly driven by General Moriones at Oroquieta in a former attempt, and raised the standard of legitimacy and divine right. On the other hand, one after the other, Alcoy, Malaga, Seville, Cadiz, and, a few months later, Cartagena and Valencia, revolted in a communistic or cantonalist conspiracy which threatened the dismemberment of Spain, and the destruction of her armaments. It was only after severe fighting, which strained the resources of the Government to the utmost, that these cities were subdued. Meanwhile Don Carlos had established himself firmly in the Basque Provinces, and his brother Alfonso headed considerable forces in Aragon and Catalonia. Fortunately Barcelona held aloof from the cantonalist and intransigente movement of Cartagena and Valencia.
These events, however, had shown the necessity of tightening the reins of discipline in the army. Salmeron, who was now at the head of the ministry, exerted himself to restore order, and endeavoured to work the republic in a conservative sense. A year or two after, at the instigation of Castelar, the penalty of death for mutiny was again enforced. After Moriones and Serrano in the north had both failed in their attempts to raise the seige of Bilbao, Concha at last succeeded, May 2, 1874; and Martinez Campos, who had crushed the insurrection in Valencia, was making way against the Carlists in Aragon and Catalonia. Between these generals, with Pavia and others, a conspiracy was formed to restore the Bourbon monarchy under Alfonso XII., son of Isabella. Serrano offered only a doubtful resistance, and Castelar, opposed by the intransigente party, found himself almost alone in upholding a conservative republic. The death of Concha, before Estella, in Navarre, June 27, 1874, delayed for some months the proclamation of Alphonso, but at length it took place, on December 30, 1874, and the republic fell without a struggle. Alphonso XII. landed at Barcelona in the first days of 1875, and entered Madrid on January 14th. In spite of some checks, caused by the incapacity of his generals, his power was quickly augmented. Many who, through hatred of the republic and of the cantonalist excesses, had joined the Carlist ranks, abandoned the cause when monarchy was restored. Don Carlos had proved to be as incapable as his grandfather had been, and much less reputable in his private life. By the end of August, Martinez Campos had taken Urgel, in Catalonia, and by the close of the year he was free to assist Quesada in the Basque Provinces. The united armies were successful, and on February 28, 1876, Don Carlos entered France, leaving his followers and the Basque Provinces entirely at the mercy of the conquerors. The consequence to them has been the partial loss of their fueros, the incorporation of the Basque conscripts with the rest of the army, and the annexation of the provinces for the first time to the crown of Spain.
