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As to Dr. Newell’s note, it showed his disposition to crawl under the shade of McBean and the Hudson’s Bay “people” and to give them information that would enable them to cut off the messenger sent to Washington.
General Palmer informed McBean that he would leave the first of the week. Newell says, “Mr. Meek leaves to-night.”
Mr. Douglas is all friendship and affection. He has just learned that a large body of American people are in Salt Lake Valley, and that the Indians about the Spokan station are friendly, notwithstanding the measles and dysentery have been severe among them.
The Indians had been defeated with considerable loss, but the “sympathies of the Nez Percés are with the Cayuses.” Whence did Sir James get this information? When he wished to convince Governor Abernethy that Mr. Ogden had done right in giving powder and ball for making the portages at Des Chutes, he said, “These Indians have no fellow-feeling with the Cayuses.” We will give another remarkable letter, in answer to the one Mr. Douglas refers to: —
“Fort Nez Percés, March 4, 1848.
“To the Commissioners, Messrs. Palmer and Newell:
“Gentlemen, – I have to acknowledge your esteemed favor of this date, which was handed me this evening.
“I am happy to learn that your success to effect peace has so far rewarded your endeavors, and that the Nez Percés are on your side. Previous to their visiting you, the most influential chiefs came to me, to know your real intention, which I fully explained, and addressed them at length. They left me well disposed, and, I am glad to learn, have acted up to their promise.”
Put this statement of Mr. McBean by the side of that of Sir James Douglas, and how does it read? March 7, “Their sympathies are with the Cayuses.” What are we to understand by such information given to two different parties? Mr. McBean professes to know the views of the Nez Percés, and, on March 4, tells the American commissioners he is happy to learn they are on their side; and, three days after, writes to his superior, at Vancouver, “Their sympathies are with the Cayuses.” General Palmer, nor any one else, need mistake the character of such a man; and we will give the company credit for ability to select their men to perform their appropriate business, and at the proper time.
“I now forward letters to Fort Hall and Fort Boise, and have to request, in behalf of the company, that you be kind enough to get them forwarded by Mr. Meek. They are of importance. On their being delivered depends loss or gain to the company.
“William McBean.
“P. S. – Please present my best respects to General Gilliam and Major Lee.”
There are two remarkable facts in these two letters. The first, “the most influential chiefs” went to him, and he explained the real intentions of the Americans, which, according to his report to his superior, made them sympathize with the Cayuses; but to accomplish another object, he would have us believe he made them favorable to the Americans, and claims all the credit for doing so. This would have done very well, only it leaked out, in the speeches of the Indians, the part this agent of the company was playing.
Query 1. How came the Nez Percés, who had always been friendly with the Americans, and never had shed any of their blood, but always fought with and for them, to be at war – that it should require the consent or advice of McBean, or any other Hudson’s Bay Company’s servant or clerk, to go and make peace with friends?
Query 2. The importance of two letters to Forts Boise and Hall? The loss or gain to the company was of more importance to him than the lives of the missionaries and all at the Dalles, for he would not allow his messenger to inform them of their danger. We have in their communications a specimen of a high and a low agent of that company during the Cayuse war. The Cayuse tribe was always more dependent upon Fort Nez Percés for supplies than the Nez Percés, who have always had more or less intercourse with American traders. From the deposition of Mr. Geiger, we learn that this agent (McBean) of the company was in the habit of interfering with the affairs of the American Indians and missionaries, and from the deposition of Mr. Kimzey, that he was equally officious in favoring the Jesuit missions. And now, from his own officious letter, we learn his position in relation to the war then in progress; that he was attempting to deceive the commissioners, as to his operations and instructions to the Indians, is shown in the information he communicated to Mr. Douglas, and in the letter of Colonel Waters to Governor Abernethy.
Putting all these facts together, who is responsible for the massacre and the war with the Cayuses?
CHAPTER LXIII
Letter to General Lovejoy. – Call for men and ammunition. – Yankama chief. – His speech. – Small supply of ammunition. – Letter of Joseph Cadwallader. – Claim and a girl. – Combined Indian tribes. – Ladies of Oregon. – Public meeting. – A noble address. – Vote of thanks. – Address of the young ladies. – Death of Colonel Gilliam. – His campaign. – Colonel Waters’ letter. – Doubtful position of Indians. – Number at Fort Wallawalla. – Results of the war. – Jesuit letters. – Fathers Hoikin and De Smet. – The Choctaws. – Indian confederacy. – Last hope of the Indian. – Jesuit policy. – The Irish in the war of the Rebellion. – Father Hecker. – Boasts of the Jesuits. – Letter of Lieutenant Rogers. – Priests supply the Indians with arms and ammunition. – Ammunition seized. – Oregon Argus. – Discovery of gold. – No help for the Indian. – Withdrawal of the Hudson’s Bay Company to Vancouver. – The smooth-tongued Jesuits yet remain.
Let us now turn our attention from scenes of baseness and treachery to such as can not fail to draw forth the more noble sentiments of the heart. We find in the Old Spectator, April 20, 1843: —
“General A. L. Lovejoy:
“Sir, – The following was written for the Express, but in the hurry and bustle of business, was omitted to be forwarded: To call the men (158) who fought on the Tukanon and Tuchet rivers brave were but common praise, – officers and privates fought with unequaled bravery and skill. Captains Hall, Owens, and Thompson behaved with all that deliberate judgment and determined bravery that was requisite to so hard-fought and long-continued a battle.
“The incomparable services of Sergeant-Major Birch, Quartermaster Goodhue, Judge-Advocate Rinearson, Sergeant Cook, Paymaster Magone, can not be passed unnoticed, and deserve their country’s praises. Captains English and McKay were not in the engagement – the latter being sick, the former returning from the Tuchet with the wagons and the stock.
“H. J. G. Maxon,
“Commanding at Fort Wascopum.”
“Fort Wascopum, April 7, 1848.
“General A. L. Lovejoy:
“Sir, – We received your letter of instructions, by express, on the 3d instant, and I assure you it gave me great satisfaction to make them known to the troops under my command. Since the promotion of Major Lee to the command, the boys have taken fresh courage; though some of them can hardly hide their nakedness, they are willing under your promises to stick it out like men.
“Give us five hundred men, and plenty of ammunition, with Colonel Lee at our head, and I think we will soon bring the war to an honorable close.
“The Yankama chiefs came over to see us a few days ago, and stated that they had written to the white chief but had received no answer. [Who was the writer for the Indians? No American dare remain in the country beyond the protection of the army.] Therefore they had come over to see him. They spoke to us as follows: —
“‘We do not want to fight the Americans, nor the French; neither do the Spokans, a neighboring tribe to us. Last fall the Cayuses told us that they were about to kill the whites at Dr. Whitman’s. We told them that was wrong, which made them mad at us; and when they killed them, they came and wished us to fight the whites, which we refused. We loved the whites; but they said, if you do not help us to fight the whites, when we have killed them we will come and kill you. This made us cry; but we told them we would not fight, but if they desired to kill us they might. We should feel happy to know that we die innocently.’
“I answered them as follows: ‘We are glad you have come, because we like to see our friends, and do not like to make war on innocent people. The Great Spirit we love has taught us that it is wrong to shed innocent blood; therefore we wish everybody to be our friends. Our peace men long ago sent you word, that we did not come to make war on any but those murderers who shed the blood of our countrymen, and insulted our women. When we get those wicked men we will go home, but those we will have; if not now, we will fight until we do get them. We do not want to kill any but the murderers; but all who fight with them, we consider as bad as they are. All tribes which receive them we must make war upon, because their hearts are bad, and we know that the Great Spirit is angry with them. We hope your nation will not receive them. We hope that you will not let your young men join them, because we do not wish to kill innocent people. We hope, that if the murderers come among you, you will bring them to us; then the Great Spirit will not be angry with you. We that fight do not care how many bad people we have to fight. The Americans and Hudson’s Bay Company people are the same as one, and you will get no more ammunition until the war is at a close.’
“I gave them a plow as a national gift, and told them that I gave that kind of a present because we thought tilling the ground would make them happy. They remained with us a day and night, and then left for their country with an assurance of friendship.
“The ammunition boats arrived here this evening, and I shall start to-morrow for Wailatpu with nine provision wagons and baggage wagons besides, and about one hundred men to guard them, leaving McKay’s company to guard this place until Colonel Lee’s arrival here.
“The scanty supply of ammunition sent us is almost disheartening. If the rumor that the Indians brought us this evening be true, I fear that we will have to shoot the most of it at the Indians before we can reach the boys. The Indians reported here this evening that the horse-guard at Wailatpu was killed by the Indians, and all the horses run off. I shall lose no time, I assure you, but will relieve them with all possible speed.
“Your obedient servant,
“H. J. G. Maxon, S. C. C. O. D.”
We will not stop to comment on the facts and points stated in this letter relative to the Yankama Indians and Captain Maxon’s remarks to them, but continue our narrative from a letter of Jesse Cadwallader from Fort Waters, April 4, 1848. At the time of writing, he did not know of Colonel Gilliam’s death. He says: —
“At present we are not in a very pleasant fix for fighting, as we are but 150 in number, and nearly out of ammunition. Colonel Gilliam, with the rest of the men, left here on the 20th ult. for the Dalles for supplies. We look for them in a few days, and hope to see more men with them. We look for the Indians to come upon us every day. They say they will give us one more fight, and drive us from the country. We expect they will number 1,200. The Cayuses, Nez Percés, Wallawallas, Spokans, and Paluces will all join and fight us, and you may expect a call for more men in a short time; we are preparing for an attack. We are killing beef and drying it to-day. I think we can defend this post; we shall do so or die in the attempt. —
“We can not complain of our living, so far; we have a plenty of beef and bread, nearly all the time. We have found several caches of wheat, peas, and potatoes. We have about thirty bushels of wheat on hand, and the mill fitted up for grinding.
“I wish you would see to my claim on Clear Creek, for I expect to return when this war is over, and occupy it, with some man’s girl as a companion.”
The following proceedings of the ladies of Oregon City and vicinity, which was responded to all over the country, showing how the ladies of Oregon and this Pacific coast can respond to the call of their country, found a welcome place in the columns of the Spectator. We understand that considerable clothing has been contributed by the ladies for the volunteers in the field. Such acts by ladies are highly commendable to them, and can not fail to have a favorable influence in the army: —
“At a meeting convened at the Methodist church, according to previous notice, on the 12th instant, to consult upon the best means to aid in relieving the necessities of the soldiers, the meeting was called to order by Mrs. Hood, when Mrs. Thornton was called to the chair, and Mrs. Thurston (the wife of our first delegate to Congress), was appointed secretary. Mrs. Thornton (whose husband was then in Washington, doing all he could for the country as a volunteer representative of its interests, while his noble wife was teaching school and ready to aid in sustaining our almost naked army) briefly stated the object of the meeting, when, on motion, it was resolved to form a society, the object of which should be to aid and assist in supporting the war (Sanitary Society). On motion, the meeting proceeded to choose officers; which resulted in the election of Mrs. Thornton, President; Mrs. Robb, Vice-President; Mrs. Leslie (second wife of Rev. D. Leslie), Treasurer; and Mrs. Thurston, Secretary.
“On motion, it was voted to appoint a committee of three, whose duty it should be to assist the society in raising funds, etc. The president appointed Mrs. Hood (an active, energetic old lady), Mrs. Crawford (the wife of our first internal revenue collector), and Mrs. Herford, said committee.
“Mrs. Robb then introduced the following address as expressive of the sense of the meeting, to be forwarded to the army with the clothing raised by the ladies, which, on being read, was unanimously adopted: —
“‘Oregon City, April 12, 1848.
“‘The volunteers of the first regiment of Oregon riflemen will please accept from the ladies of Oregon City and vicinity the articles herewith forwarded to them. The intelligence which convinces us of your many hardships, excessive fatigues, and your chivalrous bearing also satisfies us of your urgent wants.
“‘These articles are not tendered for acceptance as a compensation for your services rendered; we know that a soldier’s heart would spurn with contempt any boon tendered by us with such an object; accept them as a brother does, and may, accept a sister’s tribute of remembrance – as a token, an evidence, that our best wishes have gone to, and l remain with you in your privations, your marches, your battles, and your victories.
“‘Your fathers and ours, as soldiers, have endured privations and sufferings, and poured out their blood as water, to establish undisturbed freedom east of the Rocky Mountains; your and our mothers evinced the purity of their love of country, upon those occasions, by efforts to mitigate the horrors of war, in making and providing clothing for the soldiers. Accept this trifling present as an indorsement of an approval of the justice of the cause in which you have volunteered, and of your bearing in the service of our common country as manly, brave, and patriotic.
“‘The war which you have generously volunteered to wage was challenged by acts the most ungrateful, bloody, barbarous, and brutal.
“‘Perhaps the kindness which the natives have received at the hands of American citizens on their way hither, has, to some extent, induced a belief on the part of the natives, that all the Americans are “women” and dare not resent an outrage, however shameful, bloody, or wicked. Your unflinching bravery has struck this foolish error from the mind of your enemies, and impressed them with terror, and it is for you and a brotherhood who will join you, to follow up the victories so gloriously commenced, until a succession of victories shall compel an honorable peace, and insure respect for the American arms and name.
“‘We have not forgotten that the soul-sickening massacre and enormities at Wailatpu were committed in part upon our sex. We know that your hardships and privations are great; but may we not hope, that through you these wrongs shall not only be amply avenged, but also that you inscribe, upon the heart of our savage enemies, a conviction never to be erased, that the virtue and lives of American women will be protected, defended, and avenged by American men.
“‘The cause which you have espoused is a holy cause. We believe that the God of battle will so direct the destinies of this infant settlement, that she will come out of this contest clothed in honor, and her brave volunteers covered with glory.
"‘The widows and orphans, made so by the massacre which called you to the field, unite with us in the bestowment of praise for the valuable service already rendered by you; and he who has already proclaimed himself the widow’s God, Judge, and Husband, and a Father to the fatherless, will smile upon and aid your exertions. Fight on, then! – Fight as you have fought, and a glorious victory awaits you.’
“On motion, a vote of thanks was tendered to Mrs. Hood for her unwearied exertions in behalf of the suffering soldiers.
“Mrs. Robb moved, That when this society adjourn, it do so to meet at this place again on the 26th instant.
“On motion, it was then voted that the proceedings of this meeting, with the address adopted, be published in the Oregon Spectator.
“On motion, the meeting then adjourned.
“Mrs. N. M. Thornton, President.
“Mrs. E. F. Thurston, Secretary.”
The thought and sentiment manifested in the above proceedings and address allow the reader to look right at the heart and soul of our people. No one who reads our history will have occasion to blush or be ashamed to know that his father or mother crossed the vast mountains and plains of North America, found a home in Oregon, and fought back the savages, and their more savage foreign leaders. Oregonians, the fact that your father or mother was a pioneer on this coast will redound to your honor, – as a reference to the deeds of our fathers and mothers, on the eastern part of our continent, strengthened and nerved our hearts, when the whole host of savage instruments of cruelty and barbarism were let loose upon us, and many of our dearest friends fell by their ruthless hordes! We know not who the author of that address is, but the sentiment – the soul – belongs alone to Oregon.
In the same paper we find the sentiment still further illustrated in a declaration of a number of young ladies. We only regret that we have not their names; the sentiment is too good to be lost, as it shows the finer and nobler sentiments of virtue and religion among the mothers and daughters of Oregon, in those trying times. The communication is as follows: —
“Wallamet Valley, Oregon.
“Response by young ladies to the call of Captain Maxon for young men in the army.
“We have read with much interest the late report from the army, and feel ourselves under obligations to reply to the appeal made to us in that report. We are asked to evince our influence for our country’s good, by withholding our hand from any young man who refuses to turn out in defense of our honor and our country’s right.
“In reply, we hereby, one and all, of our own free good will, solemnly pledge ourselves to comply with that request, and to evince, on all suitable occasions, our detestation and contempt for any and all young men, who can, but will not, take up arms and march at once to the seat of war, to punish the Indians, who have not only murdered our friends, but have grossly insulted our sex. We never can, and never will, bestow our confidence upon a man who has neither patriotism nor courage enough to defend his country and the girls; – such a one would never have sufficient sense of obligations to defend and protect a wife.
“Do not be uneasy about your claims and your rights in the valley; while you are defending the rights of your country, she is watching yours. You must not be discouraged. Fight on, be brave, obey your officers, and never quit your posts till the enemy is conquered; and when you return in triumph to the valley, you shall find us as ready to rejoice with you as we now are to sympathize with you in your sufferings and dangers.”
(Signed by fifteen young ladies).
Soon after the peace arrangements, as related in the previous chapter, the colonel and major left for the lower country. They arrived at the Dalles, where the colonel was accidentally shot by attempting to remove a rifle from the hind end of one of his wagons; the cap was burst, and he received the contents of the gun, which proved fatal in a few hours. In his death the country lost a valuable citizen, the army a good soldier, and his family a kind husband and affectionate father. As a commander of the provisional troops, he succeeded probably as well as any man could under the circumstances.
The deep schemes of the British fur monopoly, the baser schemes of the Jesuits, both working together, and in connection with the Indians and all the American dupes that they with their influence and capital could command, it is not surprising that, as a military man, he should fail to bring to justice the immediate or remote perpetrators of the crime he was expected to punish. In fact, but few at the present day are able to comprehend the extent and power of opposing influences. One of the commissioners informed us that from the time the colonel opened a correspondence with the priests, he appeared to lose his influence and power and control of the troops. He lacked an essential quality as a commander – promptness in action and decision to strike at the proper time, as was manifest in his whole campaign. Yet, for this he is to a certain extent excusable, as he had with his army the Indian peace commissioners, and was acting under the orders of a governor who was greatly deceived as to the prime movers in the war.
One of the commissioners was notoriously the dupe and tool of the foreign monopoly in our midst, as his own history before and since has proved. He claimed to know exactly how to deal with the difficulty. This influence was felt by the troops, and generally acknowledged, and, as we know from the best of authority, was the cause of the colonel’s being ordered to report at head-quarters.
After lying at Fort Waters for a considerable time, his men becoming dissatisfied (as intimated in letters), he mounted his horse, and most of his men volunteered to follow him for a fight. He pursued what he supposed to be the correct trail of the murderers to a point on the Tukanon, and there fought a small party, and learned that the murderers were at the crossing of Snake River, some thirty miles distant. He continued his march all night. The next morning, the murderers having learned of his expedition in another direction, he came upon them and surprised their whole camp. An old man came out of the lodge and made signs of submission and pretended that the murderers were not in his camp, but that their cattle were upon the hills. This induced the colonel to order his men to gather the cattle and return to Fort Waters (while Tilokaikt was then crossing the river), instead of attacking them, as he should have done. The Indians soon gathered their best horses, which were kept separate from the common band, and commenced an attack upon his cumbered, retreating column, till they came near the ford on the Tuchet, when a running fight was kept up, and an effort made to get possession of the ford by the Indians, which it required all the colonel’s force to defeat; and like the crow and the fox in the fable, while the colonel was giving the Indians a specimen of American fighting, he neglected his cattle, and the Indians drove them off. But few were wounded on either side, though, in the struggle to gain the ford and bushes contiguous, there was swift running and close shooting, which continued till dark. The Indians retired with their cattle, and next day the colonel and his party, with the wounded, reached Fort Waters, and thence he obeyed the summons of the governor to return and report at head-quarters. While Major Lee is on his way with the body of Colonel Gilliam to the Wallamet, and to obtain recruits and supplies of arms and ammunition, we will see what Colonel Waters is about at Wailatpu, April 4, 1848.
In his letter of the above date, he says: —
“Since Colonel Gilliam’s departure from this place, our relations with the supposed friendly Indians have undergone a material change; not seeing any, either friendly or hostile, for several days, I concluded to send an express to Fort Wallawalla, and if possible to gain some information concerning their movements, as I had reason to believe from their long silence that there was something wrong; I accordingly addressed a short note to Mr. McBean on the evening of the 1st of April, and dispatched two of my men with the same, charging them strictly to remain there during the day, and return, as they went, in the night. They returned yesterday in safety, and their narrative, together with Mr. McBean’s written statements, fully confirms me in my previous views.
“The Wallawalla chief, notwithstanding his professions of friendship to Colonel Gilliam and the Bostons, now looks upon us as enemies. The law prohibiting the sale of ammunition appears to be his principal hobby. By refusing it to him and his people he says we place them on an equal footing with the guilty, and if this law is not abrogated, they will become murderers. This sentiment he expressed in the presence of our express bearers. [The sentiment of Sir James Douglas, as expressed in his letter to Governor Abernethy.]
“There were then at the fort some sixty lodges, and between two and three hundred warriors. Mr. McBean gave what purported to be information where the murderers had gone, stating that Ellis and sixty of his men had died in the mountains with the measles, and this had produced its effect upon our superstitious friends.
“The Cayuses and Nez Percés have had a big feast, which to my mind speaks in language not to be misunderstood. Mr. McBean further states, that the Paluce Indians, Cayuses, and part of the Nez Percés, are awaiting the American forces, to fight them on the Nez Percés, or Snake River; but the signs of the times justify the conclusion that we will be attacked nearer home, and much to our disadvantage, unless soon supplied with ammunition. They know our circumstances about as well as we do ourselves, both as regards ammunition and provisions, and it need not be thought strange if they act accordingly.
“Welaptulekt (an Indian chief) is at the fort, and has brought quite an amount of immigrant property with him, which he delivered to Mr. McBean; says he was afraid Colonel Gilliam would kill him, which was the reason of his not meeting him. This is the report of the men; Mr. McBean did not mention his name. My opinion is that we have nothing to hope from his friendship.
“I see by General Palmer’s letter to Colonel Gilliam, that he (McBean) refused to accept the American flag, which was presented by his own Indians; he, of course, had nothing to fear from them.
“I have now given you the outlines of our unpleasant situation, and doubt not that you will make every exertion to forward us ammunition, and men too of the right stripe. I have exaggerated nothing, nor has any active cautiousness prompted me to address you upon this subject. If they do come upon us, be their numbers what they may, rest assured, while there is one bullet left, they will be taught to believe that the Bostons are not all clochemen (women).
“I have succeeded in getting the mill to work, and we are grinding up the little grain we found. Mr. Taylor died on the 24th of March. The wounded are doing well. I regret to say our surgeon talks strongly of leaving us the first opportunity. My impression is that a more suitable person could not be obtained in that capacity. His commission has not been sent on, which no doubt has its weight with him.
“I have the honor to remain,
“Your obedient servant,
“James Waters, Lieutenant-Colonel.”
As to the propriety of Governor Abernethy’s publishing this entire letter, there was at the time a question. With the facts since developed, it is plain that it should not have been given to the public; but, as we have before stated, the governor was one of those easy, confiding, unsuspecting men, that gave a wily and unprincipled enemy all the advantage he could ask. It was only the determined energy and courage of the settlers that enabled them to overcome their secret and open foes.
The evidence is conclusive, that Colonel Gilliam, through the influence and duplicity of Newell, McBean, and the Jesuits, was induced to withhold his men from punishing the Indians, and received and treated with bands as guilty as the murderers themselves, thus giving an impression to the Indians of weakness and cowardice on the part of the troops, as well as a want of the requisite qualities for a successful commander.
Major Lee returned to the settlement, obtained more troops and ammunition, and was appointed colonel of the regiment in place of Colonel Gilliam, deceased. This place he was justly entitled to fill by seniority in the service. He then returned to Fort Waters, and, finding the troops in the field satisfied with Colonel Waters, resigned at once, and filled a subordinate place in the army. The troops were soon put in motion. Captain McKay and his company of British subjects were disbanded, after being stationed a short time at Wascopum.
The troops soon drove the murderers off to buffalo, “with the propriety, decorum, and energy which the case required,” as per “Veritas.” They gathered up such of the murderers’ cattle and horses as were not claimed by professed friendly Indians, and retired to the Wallamet, leaving a small garrison at Fort Waters and at Wascopum.
