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CCCII. – To Farel. 391

Conspiracy of the Libertines – energy of the Reformer – struggles of Viret at Lausanne
Geneva, 26th October 1552.

I occasionally abstain from writing, from having nothing important to write about, but my material is in these days more abundant than I could wish – so much so, that it has kept me from writing altogether. For I think it better silently to repress the very sad cares which torture me, rather than seek consolation by inconveniencing you. Even if I did throw part of the burden on your shoulders, I should rather increase than diminish the evil. The very act of writing, moreover, by awakening the memory, irritates the wound. I was aware that our enemies were making secret preparations for an insurrection, for four months past; the fire was to be kindled at the next election, in the month of November, when it is customary to appoint the chief magistrate. Bernard had given me a hint of it. But we were ignorant of the charge by which they thought to oppress and even overwhelm us. But the Lord has seasonably dragged them forth to the light. They spread a rumour among the petty tradesmen, and then bawled out in the assembly hall, that forty thousand pieces of gold were deposited with three Frenchmen, as a reward for betraying the city. They made indirect allusions to the three guardians of the poor, among whom was Du Tailly, whom the Lord lately called to himself, and who is very greatly lamented by all the pious. Wendel was not ashamed to allege, in the presence of the Senate, that there were three hundred thousand. This conjecture deceived them, for, when they had hoped, by their atrocious calumny to kindle a fire which should consume us in a moment, the flame by and by ended in smoke. They are, notwithstanding, in the meantime, acting with careless effrontery, seeing, as they do, the inactivity of those who ought to have mended matters, which they could have done with the utmost ease had they possessed a single spark of manliness. For what would not the wicked dare when there is impunity for all evils? But I trust that Christ will ere long prove our deliverer.

He392 has neglected what he had promised to Viret. I, for my part, am doing all I can to refresh his memory. But he is amusing himself with us. It were better, therefore, for Viret to come of his own accord. The proper time would be, however, before the Martinalia, when despair will drive our enemies to act like the Bacchæ if he does not make his appearance. But he is drawn away elsewhere. And the affairs which he has in hand are to me of so much importance, that I consider it sinful to place any obstacle in his way, or to offer the very least hindrance.393 On the contrary, I feel exceedingly ashamed that I have afforded him no more comfort under so great difficulties, than if I had been buried. Although, therefore, most anxious that you should encourage us with your presence, it must nevertheless be deferred until another occasion, especially as it would be better that both of you should be present at the same time. I scarcely know what to say regarding Garnier's letter.394 The specimen which I had lately of his character in a private matter, will prevent me in future from having any dealings with him. You will say the public position of the Church is concerned. Pardon my timidity, for I fear very much that no men are more insolent and haughty, than those of a servile disposition. Had it been convenient for Viret to come here, nothing could have been more useful and appropriate, than for us to hold a consultation on the leading topics, before the matter had proceeded farther. I fear, however, that it will be scarcely possible for Viret to be here before the completion of the Bernese embassy. Accordingly, I have no one to consult with, unless I lay the matter before my fellow-ministers. I am persuaded, however, that no settlement should be come to, until you reach us.

Adieu, most upright and very dear brother. Salute that noble man, the Seigneur de Dammartin, your colleague, and the rest of our friends. May the Lord guard you all by his protection, enrich you with the gifts of his Spirit, and bless you in all things. Amen. – Yours truly,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

CCCIII. – To Viret

Literary labours of Theodore Beza
Geneva, 26th October 1552.

After I had written Farel, our friend Gerold undertook, at my request, to make a journey thither. There is, accordingly a letter designed for both of you, which, having read, you will show to him at your own convenience. I ask no more of you than that you will think of us when it suits you. Your letter was not to be answered until something important had been done, which has not been the case as yet. You will tell Beza not to be anxious about the translating of my discourses,395 as I have handed over the task to Baduel as if with his permission. Indeed, I felt ashamed, from the first, that his valuable time should be taken up with work so very unworthy of him – time that could and ought to be better occupied. I, on this account, embraced the more gladly the opportunity afforded me of laying the burden on another. He will be urged by and by, by our friend Robert, to engage in a sort of lucubration in which he will be of greater advantage to the Church.396– Adieu, brother and very worthy friend. Salute the brethren earnestly, also your wife and little daughters. May the Lord preserve you all; may the Spirit guide you by his wisdom, and sustain you by his might.

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

CCCIV. – To Ambroise Blaurer. 397

Troubles at Geneva – sad intelligence from France and Germany – steady in the promises of God
Geneva, 19th November 1552.

As I hope that my dearly beloved brother Beza will be with you about the same time that you receive this letter, and as he will inform you more fully as to my own state and that of the Church than I can in the longest epistle, I shall at present be brief. He will tell you the annoyance and disturbance we suffered from some worthless wretches, whose sole power of injuring us lies in the impunity and license which is allowed them. But God apparently wishes us to be destitute of human aid, that himself alone may protect us. In the meantime, though I little expected it, I live a survivor of my native town. The city in which I was born has lately been utterly destroyed by fire.398 We are also compelled to hear daily of fearful disasters throughout all Picardy, but so far is the King's fierceness from being subdued by them, that never was his pride more insulting to God. I wish that I might at length hear from your beloved Germany something that might cheer me; yet as nothing now appears but what is saddening, or at least confused, I scarcely venture to ask what is doing there. And I suppose you also are filled with alarm whenever any news is announced, fearing lest some addition be made to the existing evils. Unless the Lord stretch forth his hand to us from heaven, the wise and far-sighted perceive that these misfortunes, severe and bitter as they are, are but a gentle prelude to tremendous calamities. But although Satan is going about everywhere with fearful license, yet if we consider the desperate wickedness of the world, it is wonderful that God has not given him much greater liberty. But we who have our anchor fixed in heaven, must sail amid these troubled storms just as in the peaceful haven, until the Lord brings us to the blissful rest of his own kingdom.

F – promised to hand over to you, my letters to Beza. If he has not come to you, he will send them to Farel at his earliest opportunity. Robert Stephens has my Commentary on John in the press.399 As soon as he has finished it, I shall cause a copy to be sent to you.

Adieu, most distinguished sir, and excellent servant of Christ, deserving of my hearty regard. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, to shield you by his protection, and to bestow upon you every kind of blessing. Salute your fellow-minister earnestly in my name. My colleagues both salute you, and those who were lately my companions. I desire you to convey my regards to the treasurer of your city, and to the other pious and wise men. I beseech you very earnestly to remember me in your prayers, for I am more in need of this aid at present than words can express. Adieu, together with your wife and family. – Yours sincerely,

John Calvin.

[Lat. Copy.Library of Zurich. Coll. Hottinger, F. 43, p. 464.]

CCCV. – To Melanchthon. 400

Earnest desires for the continuance of their mutual affection – disputes with Trolliet – longing for agreement in doctrine regarding the Communion and Election
28th November 1552.

Nothing could have come to me more seasonably at this time than your letter, which I received two months after its despatch. For, in addition to the very great troubles with which I am so sorely consumed, there is almost no day on which some new pain or anxiety does not occur. I should, therefore, be in a short time entirely overcome by the load of evils under which I am oppressed, did not the Lord by his own means alleviate their severity; among which it was no slight consolation to me to know that you are enjoying tolerable health, such at least as your years admit of and the delicate state of your body, and to be informed, by your own letter, that your affection for me had undergone no change. It was reported to me that you had been so displeased by a rather free admonition of mine – which, however, ought to have affected you far otherwise – that you tore the letter to pieces in the presence of certain witnesses. But even if the messenger was not sufficiently trustworthy, still, after a long lapse of time, his fidelity was established by various proofs, and I was compelled at length to suspect something. Wherefore I have learned the more gladly that up to this time our friendship remains safe, which assuredly, as it grew out of a heartfelt love of piety, ought to remain for ever sacred and inviolable. But it greatly concerns us to cherish faithfully and constantly to the end the friendship which God has sanctified by the authority of his own name, seeing that herein is involved either great advantage or great loss even to the whole Church. For you see how the eyes of many are turned upon us, so that the wicked take occasion from our dissensions to speak evil, and the weak are only perplexed by our unintelligible disputations. Nor, in truth, is it of little importance to prevent the suspicion of any difference having arisen between us from being handed down in any way to posterity; for it is worse than absurd that parties should be found disagreeing on the very principles, after we have been compelled to make our departure from the world. I know and confess, moreover, that we occupy widely different positions; still, because I am not ignorant of the place in his theatre to which God has elevated me, there is no reason for my concealing that our friendship could not be interrupted without great injury to the Church. And that we may act independent of the conduct of others, reflect, from your own feeling of the thing, how painful it would be for me to be estranged from that man whom I both love and esteem above all others, and whom God has not only nobly adorned with remarkable gifts in order to make him distinguished in the eyes of the whole Church, but has also employed as his chief minister for conducting matters of the highest importance. And surely it is indicative of a marvellous and monstrous insensibility, that we so readily set at nought that sacred unanimity, by which we ought to be bringing back into the world the angels of heaven. Meanwhile, Satan is busy scattering here and there the seeds of discord, and our folly is made to supply much material. At length he has discovered fans of his own, for fanning into a flame the fires of discord. I shall refer to what happened to us in this Church, causing extreme pain to all the godly; and now a whole year has elapsed since we were engaged in these conflicts. Certain worthless wretches, after stirring up strife amongst us, in reference to the free election of God, and the sad bondage of the human will, and after creating a public disturbance, had nothing more plausible to urge in defence of their grievous opposition than the authority of your name.401 And after they had found out how easy it was for us to refute whatever arguments they adduced, they tried to crush us, forsooth, by this artifice, – by asking, if we were willing openly to disagree with you. And yet, such was the moderation observed by us, that least of all did they extort what they were adroitly seeking to obtain. Therefore, all my colleagues and myself openly professed to hold the same opinion on that doctrine which you hold. Not a word escaped us, in the whole discussion, either less honourable towards yourself than was seemly, or calculated to diminish confidence in you.402 Meanwhile, nevertheless, such indefinite and reserved expression of opinion cannot but pain me exceedingly; and it cannot but pain me, that opportunity is being left to the evil-disposed for harassing the Church, after our death, as often as they please; while the conflicting parties will array against each other the opinions of those who ought to have spoken, as with one mouth, one and the same thing. It is neither surprising, nor a thing greatly to be lamented, that Osiander has withdrawn himself from us; yet he withdrew only after a violent attack. For you were long ago aware that he belonged to that race of wild animals which are never tamed; and I always ranked him amongst the number of those who were a disgrace to us. And assuredly, the very first day that I saw him, I abhorred the wicked disposition and abominable manners of the man. As often as he felt inclined to praise the agreeable and excellent wine, he had these words in his mouth: "I am that I am;" also, "This is the Son of the living God;" which he manifestly produced as mockeries of the Deity. Wherefore, I have the more frequently wondered that such a despicable person should at all be encouraged by your indulgence. In truth, I was particularly astonished on reading a passage in a certain preface of yours, where, after the proof of his folly at Worms, you commended him rather more than enough. But let him retire: it is an advantage to us to have got rid of him. I had rather that certain others were retained. Nevertheless, – to pass by these also, – the opposition, which is too plainly manifest in our modes of teaching, pains me not a little. I, for my part, am well aware that, if any weight is due to the authority of men, it were far more just that I should subscribe your opinions than you mine. But that is not the question; nor is it even a thing to be desired by the pious ministers of Christ. This, in all truth, we ought both to seek, viz., to come to an agreement on the pure truth of God. But, to speak candidly, religious scruples prevent me from agreeing with you on this point of doctrine, for you appear to discuss the freedom of the will in too philosophical a manner; and in treating of the doctrine of election, you seem to have no other purpose, save that you may suit yourself to the common feeling of mankind. And it cannot be attributed to hallucination, that you, a man acute and wise, and deeply versed in Scripture, confound the election of God with his promises, which are universal. For nothing is more certain than that the Gospel is addressed to all promiscuously, but that the Spirit of faith is bestowed on the elect alone, by peculiar privilege. The promises are universal. How does it happen, therefore, that their efficacy is not equally felt by all? For this reason, because God does not reveal his arm to all. Indeed, among men but moderately skilled in Scripture, this subject needs not to be discussed, seeing that the promises of the Gospel make offer of the grace of Christ equally to all; and God, by the external call, invites all who are willing to accept of salvation. Faith, also, is a special gift. I think I have clearly expounded this whole question, involved and intricate though it be, in a book but very lately published. Indeed, the matter is so obvious, that no one of sound judgment can feel persuaded otherwise, than that you are giving out what is quite different from your real inclination. It increases my anxiety, and at the same time my grief, to see you in this matter to be almost unlike yourself; for I heard, when the whole formula of the agreement of our Church with that of Zurich was laid before you, you instantly seized a pen and erased that sentence which cautiously and prudently makes a distinction between the elect and the reprobate. Which procedure, taking into consideration the mildness of your disposition, not to mention other characteristics, greatly shocked me. Accordingly, I do not ask you to endure the reading of my book, or even a part of it, because I think it would be useless to do so. Would that we might have an opportunity of talking over these matters face to face! I am not ignorant of your candour, of your transparent openness and moderation; as for your piety, it is manifest to angels and to the whole world. Therefore, this whole question would be easily, as I hope, arranged between us; wherefore, if an opportunity should present itself, I would desire nothing more than to pay you a visit. But if it shall indeed turn out as you apprehend, it will be no slight comfort to me in circumstances sad and grievous, to see you and embrace you before that I shall take my departure from this world. Here we enjoy least of all that repose which you fancy we enjoy. There is much trouble, annoyance, and even disorder, among us. Full in view is the enemy, who are continually imperilling our lives by new dangers. We are at a distance of three days' journey from Burgundy. The French forces are but an hour's march from our gates. But because nothing is more blessed than to fight under the banner of Christ, there is no reason why these obstacles should prevent you from paying me a visit. Meanwhile, you will greatly oblige me by informing me of your own and the Churches' condition. – Adieu, most distinguished sir and heartily esteemed brother. May the Lord protect you by his power, guide you by his Spirit, and bless your pious labours. My colleague, and many pious and judicious men, reverently salute you.

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 66.]

CCCVI. – To Monsieur de Falais. 403

Rupture of Calvin with that Seigneur
[Geneva, 1552.]

Monseigneur, – Since you esteem your cause with respect to me so good, I shall not add to your satisfaction by avowing myself in the wrong, which indeed would be mere hypocrisy on my part. For I know that I myself had already long ago pointed out to you the conduct of the man, and his acts are moreover matter of public notoriety. Since that time you have bestowed on him such eulogiums, that the person who recited them to me employed these words, that he had never heard of a man held in such esteem. When you went such lengths, after having been duly informed by me, your object in extolling him so highly must have been to have us and our whole doctrine condemned; of which, he has shewn himself so deadly, so furious, and so diabolical an enemy, that he has not blushed to write: – The God of Calvin is hypocritical, mendacious, perfidious, unjust, the provoker and patron of crimes, and worse than the Devil himself. Thus then, that I may express my opinion of you frankly, I ought to renounce God and his truth, as well as the salvation which I hope for through it. Such I believe, is not your intention, but, if from the humanity and mildness of your disposition, you are content not only to remain ignorant of the character of the man who makes war on God, but also, by lending no credit to our testimony, you furnish a handle for rendering us odious, suffer me, I entreat you, to have some zeal in maintaining the honour of my Master. But you will say, that I should at least have given you some intimation of the affair. I reply that after having been thus obliquely disgraced by you, I wished to guard against exposing myself to derision. If ten hours earlier I had been made aware of the words which I have quoted, I should have contented myself with letting you know what I had on my heart. As it chanced, your friend immediately after, or the following day, asked me if I had seen you. I replied that I had, and that I was sorry for it, and I added that were you to pass a hundred times, I should avoid all contact with you more carefully than with the most avowed enemies, since in showing yourself so intimate with that man, you were, as I have since been informed, the panegyrist of Castalio,404 who is so perverse with all kinds of impiety, that in truth I had a hundred times rather be a Papist. Your friend then asked me if I had any objections to your being informed of that. I replied that it was with that intention that I had spoken to him on the subject, since I had not been made aware of the fact sufficiently in time. If he has divulged more than that, he has acted contrary to my opinion, my wishes, and even his own promise. To have told you that you were quite infected with the errors of that monster, was running counter to the ends I had in view, for I told him that you must needs have hated us gratuitously, to praise in our despite such a monster. The substance of what I said was that I should have been more painfully affected by such an injury coming from any other than you, such was the confidence I had in your integrity; but I was still more sorry to see you adhering, not knowing for what reason, to a person who is more detestable than all the Papists in the world. And in fact, I said to him several times, that I knew not how, nor wherefore, nor, indeed, what that meant. And since even at this present moment you love to follow a lesson quite opposed to that which I have learned in the school of my Master, for you say that you are well-pleased to forget the evil which may be in him; and yet we are told: Behold dogs, observe, mark, shun, and beware of them… I leave you the object of your affections! – If I have been too sharp and bitter, pardon me, you have obliged me to be so. And that you may know that I feel neither anger nor ill-will, I write to you the present letter, as one who is preparing to appear before God, who afflicts me anew with an evil which is for me as it were a mirror of death before my eyes. I will supplicate him, Monseigneur, that in having pity on me, and receiving me to his mercy, he may preserve and guide you by his Spirit, and increase you in all prosperity along with Mademoiselle and your whole family.405 Your servant,

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr. – Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.]

391.While Calvin was eloquently pleading among others the cause of the persecuted faithful of France, he was struggling with an ever-increasing energy for the suppression of scandals, and the formation of a new people at Geneva. His efforts, however, seemed powerless before the enormity of the evil, and the furious resistance of that party, which history has justly branded with the name of Libertine. The cabal of the factious gathered strength from day to day, and disorders were committed with impunity. The task of reforming the public morals, courageously undertaken by the ministers, was almost absolutely fruitless. Ashamed of such excesses, but incapable of suppressing them, the Great Council increased the severity of its edicts, but had not the power to impose them upon the multitude who were banded together against the foreigners. The French were a particular object of fury to the factions. They beat them in the streets, and subjected them to all sorts of outrages. Most absurd accusations were circulated against them, and were believed by the multitude. The presence of Farel and Viret in Geneva could not quiet these troubles; and it was in vain that these courageous ministers presented themselves before the councils, "to commend to them the care of religion and morals." – Chronique of Roset, c. v. pp. 42, 44; Ruchat, c. v. pp. 489, 490.
392.Probably Amy Perrin.
393.Placed by his character and talents at the head of the Vaudois clergy, Viret had to maintain a ceaseless struggle against the encroachments and ecclesiastical tyranny of the Seigneurs of Berne. – See Ruchat, c. v. p. 488.
394.Minister of the French Church of Strasbourg.
395.Quatre Sermons traictans des matières fort utiles pour nostre temps. 1552, 8vo. Opuscules, p. 824.
396.Beza published this year a new edition of his Tragedy of Abraham under the following title: – Le Sacrifice d'Abraham, Tragédie Française, séparée en trois Pauses à la façon des Actes de Comédies, avec des Chœurs, un Prologue et un Epilogue. 1552, 8vo.
397.Ambroise Blaurer, of a noble family of Constance, entered in early youth a convent, which he soon left to become a preacher of reform, for which he had contracted a taste from reading the writings of Luther. Present at the Controversy of Berne with Zwingle, Œeolampadius, Bucer, and Capito, he beheld his preaching attended with the most gratifying success, and saw the Gospel victoriously established in his native town, where he exercised his valuable ministry until the war of Smalkald. Having at that time refused submission to the Interim, he left Constance, and retired first to Winterthur, near Zurich, and afterwards to Bienne, whilst his unfortunate city, fallen into the hands of the Imperialists, saw itself deprived at once of the Gospel and of liberty. Esteemed by Calvin, Blaurer witnessed his influence at Zurich and at Berne solicited more than once by the Reformer of Geneva. He died in 1567. – See Beza, Icones, and Melch. Adam, Theolog. Germ., p. 413.
398.In a letter to an unknown personage, (Opera, tom. ix. p. 238,) Calvin mentions this same event, adding to it a curious detail taken from the letter of an eye-witness: "Among other things, he informed me of a circumstance which I am unwilling to withhold from you – that a striking spectacle presented itself to him in the destruction of our city, viz., that my father's house stood entire after all the others had been reduced to ashes." Farther on he adds, – "I have no doubt but that God wishes to make this a testimony against all those of our city who, eight or ten days before, had burnt in effigy Monsieur de Normandie."
399.Commentarius in Evangelium Johannis. Geneva, 1553. Fol. Robert Estienne.
400.See Letter, p. 270. Doubly afflicted by the wars which were desolating Germany, and by the disorders which were rending the Church, Melanchthon had maintained a long silence, which was only broken on the 1st October 1552, by a touching letter to Calvin: – "Reverend sir and very dear brother, – I should have written you frequently, had I been able to secure trustworthy letter-carriers. I should have preferred a conversation with you on many questions of very serious interest, inasmuch as I set a very high value on your judgment, and am conscious that the integrity and candour of your mind is unexceptionable. I am at present living as if in a wasps' nest. But perhaps I shall ere long put off this mortal life for a brighter companionship in heaven." Full of affection and respect for Melanchthon, whose character he venerated, while he freely blamed him for his weakness and indecision, Calvin made known, in turn, to the German Reformer, the struggles of all sorts which he had to undergo at Geneva, and with which the name of Melanchthon himself is found mixed up, owing to the astute intrigues of the Libertines, who had an interest in involving these two great men in mutual opposition.
401.The same fact is related in a letter of Calvin to Dryander in the following terms: "After that monk let loose against us from the service of M. de Falais had been condemned, a plot having been clandestinely hatched, a noisy fellow was found who, not only at table in private families, but up and down the taverns, kept constantly bawling, that we made God the author of sin, and otherwise traduced our ministry in the most insulting manner possible. When I saw that these evenomed words were spread about everywhere, by means of which profligate men were intriguing, by no means covertly, to overthrow the whole kingdom of Christ in this city, I mildly admonished the people to be on their guard against them. I also pointed out to the Senate how dangerous dilatory measures were in such dissensions. Those who had suborned him to molest me, by their intrigues so protracted the cause, that I was kept in suspense upwards of three months. For among the judges there were several who favoured the adverse party. But among many injuries, there was nothing I felt more keenly and bitterly than that this affair forced me into a hateful contest with M. Philip, with whom, however, I broke in such a manner that I never spoke of so great a man except in honourable terms." – Library of Geneva. Vol. 107, a.
402.We can judge of this from the remarkable memorial of Calvin to the Seigneurie, entitled La Cause contre Trolliet, where we meet with these words: – "That party, Noble Seigneurs, which is desirous of bringing Melanchthon and myself into mutual conflict, is doing great wrong to both of us, and in general to the whole Church of God. I honour Melanchthon as much for his superior learning as for his virtues, and above all, for having laboured so faithfully to uphold the Gospel. If I find fault with him, I do not conceal it from him, seeing that he gives me liberty to do so. There are witnesses in abundance on his side, who know how much he loves me. And I know that he will hold in detestation all those who, under cover of his name, seek to blacken my doctrine." – 6th Oct. 1552. (Library of Geneva, vol. 145.) Calvin's preface to Melanchthon's Common Places may also be consulted. Geneva, 1546, 8vo.
403.No date. Written evidently about the end of 1552. This letter, the last which Calvin wrote to M. de Falais, throws a great light on the circumstances of their rupture, of which Jerome Bolsec's process was the occasion. Banished from Geneva for his attacks on the doctrine of predestination and his invectives against Calvin, Bolsec had found means to interest in his cause M. de Falais, whose physician he was, and who interceded to no purpose for him with his judges: "Master Jerome is better acquainted with my constitution and what affords me relief than any other doctor that I know… It is to him after God that I am indebted for my life." – Archives of Geneva. Letters of the 9th and 11th November 1551. These steps undertaken from a feeling of humanity, would certainly not have indisposed Calvin, if M. de Falais had not too openly taken part with Bolsec against the Reformer. Calvin bitterly complained of it, "that M. de Falais should write that he (Bolsec) was not a bad man, and for the sake of an obscure wretch should hold up his reputation as a subject of mockery." Letter to the ministers of Bâle, January 1552. Expelled from Geneva and settled at Thonon, Bolsec contrived to envenom this difference which the recollections of a long friendship should have appeased, and which terminated in a painful rupture. In a vehement letter, Calvin, at that time suffering from bad health, took leave of his old friend, whose name he erased four years afterwards from the preface to his Commentary on the first Epistle to the Corinthians, in order to substitute in its place that of the Marquis de Vico.
404.See vol. i. pp. 403, 409. Settled at Bâle, Castalio had just published his Latin version of the Holy Scriptures, which being judged with excessive severity by the Reformed Divines, drew on him numerous enmities. – Bibla Sacra Latina, Basil, 1551.
405.The history of M. de Falais, after his rupture with Calvin, is enveloped in much obscurity. He left Geneva in order to settle at Berne, lost his wife in 1557, and contracted a second marriage. We know neither the date nor the place of his death. Is it true, as Bayle affirms, that this seigneur, chagrined by the spectacle of the divisions which he had witnessed at Geneva, at last returned to the Catholic church? We are rather inclined to believe, from the testimonies of Calvin and Beza, indirectly confirmed by the silence of the Brabançon historians, that, though differing on some points of Calvinistic theology, the great-grand-son of Philip of Burgundy did not abjure the tenets for which he had sacrificed his fortune and his country. See Bayle, Dict., Art. Philip of Burgundy, remark G; Calvin, Comment. on the 1st Epistle of Saint Paul to the Corinthians, dedication to the Marquis of Vico, 24th January 1556; and the preface of Beza to the Commentary on Joshua.
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