Kitabı oku: «Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856 (4 of 16 vol.)», sayfa 128
Navy Department, May 17, 1812
Sir: In pursuance of the resolution of Congress of the 3d March, 1805, requesting the President of the United States to cause a gold medal to be struck, emblematical of the attacks on the town, batteries, and naval force, of Tripoli, by the squadron under your command, and to present it to you in such manner as in his opinion would be most honorable to you, the medal, which will herewith be delivered to you by Lieutenant Jones, has been struck. You will receive it, sir, as a testimony of your country's estimation of the important and honorable services rendered by you; and you will be pleased to accept an assurance of the great pleasure I have in the honor of presenting it to you.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient servant,
R. SMITH.
To Com. Edward Preble.
From the records of the Navy Department
PAUL HAMILTON.
After some conversation as to the proper course for this business to take, it was referred to a select committee, to consist of seven members, to consider and report thereon.
Mr. Quincy, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Roane, Mr. Lacock, Mr. Troup, Mr. Emott, and Mr. Dinsmoor, were appointed the committee.
Monday, December 28
Public Lands – Cash System and Reduction of Price
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the report of the Committee on the Public Lands, made on the second instant, respecting an extension of the time limited by law for the payment of lands purchased of the United States.
The report concludes with the following resolutions, the adoption of which the committee recommend:
"Resolved, That such part of the laws for the sale of public lands as allow a credit on part of the purchase money, be repealed; and that the price at which lands shall be offered in future shall be one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre.
"Resolved, That in future sales a portion of the public lands be offered in tracts of eighty acres.
"Resolved, That two years be given in addition to the time allowed by law to the purchasers of public lands, whose time of payment shall have or may expire on or before the first day of January, 1814, on condition that all the interest that has accrued or may accrue on or before the 18th day of March next, shall be paid at that day, and the interest that may become due thereafter shall be paid at the day on which the time, according to existing laws, shall expire for making payment."
Considerable desultory debate took place on these propositions; but the committee rose without coming to any decision thereon, and obtained leave to sit again.
Tuesday, December 29
Additional Military Force
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill "supplementary to the act for the more perfect organization of the Army of the United States," and on the bill "in addition to the act for raising an additional military force."
The bills having been read through, a motion was made by Mr. David R. Williams to fill the blanks in the first bill, for the amount of bounty, &c., and the question having been stated —
Mr. D. R. Williams said, the embarrassment which he felt on the present occasion, was not of an ordinary kind; he was so solemnly impressed with the importance of the subject before the committee, he was fearful its success might, in some degree, depend on his efforts to sustain it; and, feeling that the interest, perhaps the character of his country, might be committed by the decision, he was humbled that its cause could not by him be more ably supported. He felt, however, some confidence from the circumstance that the Military Committee was entitled to the candor of the House, because it had not presented mere fragments, to be acted on in detail, but a system on which to rest the future prosecution of the war. An explanation of its merits, from the relation in which he stood to that committee, was probably expected of him.
Without going back to the unavoidable and just causes of the war in which we were engaged, he would presume it was the object of all to terminate it successfully, and that there now remained no other mode than to call into the field a force adequate to the command of every honorable object. The force was abundant throughout the community, to secure, if directed with skill, spirit, and enterprise, our defence everywhere; and, by offence, to make the enemy feel it had become his interest to abstain from plunder and oppression.
The character of our Government had been so depressed in Europe, not more by foreign than domestic misrepresentation, as much even within these walls as without them, it had become necessary to make war to place our backs against the wall and prove to European marauders there is a point beyond which we will not recede. This good the war has accomplished; but it has become more than ever necessary to prove that we will not only declare war, but can prosecute it with energy and courageous enterprise. The honor, the character of the nation, require that the British power on our borders shall be demolished in the next campaign – her American provinces once wrested from her, every attempt to recover them will be chimerical, except through negotiation. The road to peace then lies through Canada. When we shall once be in possession of it, peace, honorable peace, the sole object of us all, is secured. But some gentlemen affect a sympathy for the Canadians – why, say they, will you make war on them? They have not injured us. Nor, sir, has the British tar injured us, although he is the instrument of plunder and impressment. It is to conquer the sovereignty of the soil, to raze the British power, to reach, by such means, her profligate and unjust ministry, that war is waged at all – the unarmed will never fall on American bayonets; it is not against the people of either Canada or Great Britain, but against the English subject in arms, that the war is directed. By physical force then alone can we proceed.
Having shown the necessity of augmenting the regular forces, it was equally material to provide for filling the ranks, and for keeping them at their full complement when filled. With this view was the 1st section introduced. The greatest evil, incident to the recruiting service, results from the number of persons to whom the public money was necessarily distributed; in proportion to the number of persons with whom it is intrusted, will be its misapplication. To remedy this it is proposed to appoint officers to each regiment, for that particular purpose, in no way different from those already appointed, who shall be employed in recruiting for their respective regiments; these to be under the order of a major, who shall receive and be accountable for the issue of money and clothes for that service. The ranks filled, the presence of all the officers on the present establishment will be indispensable, as in our service the proportion of privates to the officers is greater than in any other service whatever. The new organization which was given to the Army at the last session increased the number of privates in each company, without a corresponding increase of officers. If two lieutenants were necessary in a company, for the purpose of discipline and recruiting, when it consisted of only sixty-four privates, assuredly three are as much so now it is raised to ninety. The recruits, as fast as they are enlisted, may be concentrated under the eye of the major, where they may be exercised and drilled, so that when he joins the regiment, they will be qualified to enter the ranks and face the enemy.
One other objection he could anticipate – perhaps those who can sneer at the disasters and misfortunes of the late campaign may object that there is no encouragement to vote additional forces, seeing those which have been already raised have been so illy employed. It becomes us all to be equally faithful to our country, whether her arms are victorious or not; it is in times of discomfiture that the patriot's resolution and virtues are most needed. It is no matter by what party names we are distinguished; this is our country – we are children of the same family, and ought to be brothers in a common cause. The misfortune which befalls one portion, should sink deep in the hearts of the others also. What misfortune so great as the loss of character? If we shall forget our impatience under disgrace, and look back on the events that have passed, with only as much candor as becomes us, this objection must vanish. Under the circumstances in which it found itself, without experience, either in itself or others to guide it, Administration ought not to be censured for the bad military appointments it may have made, however much it may deserve, if it shall retain men in employ, when found incapable to discharge the duties intrusted to him. He was fearless of contradiction in declaring, all our disasters sprung from a cause which no man in the nation could have anticipated. It was next to impossible any human being could have foreseen, much less provided against it. It was with pain and reluctance he felt it his duty to speak of an officer fallen and disgraced; he wished he could discover any cause for the surrender of Detroit, less heinous than treachery or cowardice – between them he saw nothing to choose. Justice will hereafter, if party heat denies it now, pronounce the plan of the campaign, as intrusted to General Hull, easy to be accomplished and judicious in its objects. The commandant was furnished with every means necessary for success – with money, men, provisions, and munitions of war, in abundance. What better mode could have been adopted, to prevent Indian hostility and intercept British supplies of the instruments of massacre? That your army had not been protected beyond the point with which communications could have been maintained, is evident from the events which followed. What was there to mar success? The commandant at Maiden needed only an apology to surrender! What if the other Hull had commanded? Every thing would have fallen before him – great science was not necessary; courage and faithfulness would have accomplished every thing. A train of heavy artillery was not required to batter a breach for the assault; it was not necessary to fire a single gun – not a cartridge need have been expended – the bayonet alone was adequate to have taken Maiden at any hour from the moment the American army crossed into Canada, till its most shameful retreat. The fort was not enclosed – one entire side was open to assault. Yes, sir, had the brave Hull, who bore your "thunder on the mountain wave," directed the valor of the army, he would have poured the storm of victory resistless on the foe. This black deed, without a battle, was consummated in the solicitous surrender of the brave corps which were hastening to his relief; these, too, were arrested and thrown back on the community, leaving the whole Western frontier exposed to savage inroad. Hence all our misfortunes! After this, will it be contended that the accidental appointment of an improper agent shall cause a refusal of the force necessary to drag our drowned honor up from the ocean of infamy into which it has been plunged? Impossible! Economy of life and treasure call for a vigorous campaign – away with lifeless expedients; miserable inertness must be banished – zeal and energy must be infused everywhere. One protracted campaign will cost twenty-fold more than the expenditure now asked for. Let this be the signal for resolution – the first evidence of energetic policy. Let us suppose ourselves leading the forlorn hope, and assume the spirit and vigor characteristic of such an enterprise – the army will feel it – the people will feel it – disaster and disgrace will then disappear. It is to save the public treasure – the people's blood; it is for the reclamation of character, I ask for high bounties and premiums; and, so asking, I hope not to be denied.
The question was then taken on filling the several blanks in the first bill, and carried.
Mr. H. Clay congratulated the committee and the nation on the system which had been presented to their consideration, and the prospect of prosecuting the next campaign with a vigor which should insure a successful result. He rose at this time, however, to propose an amendment to the bill, the object of which was to repeal so much of former laws as authorizes a bounty of land to the recruits. He was satisfied that, as respected the nation, this was a waste of its capital, without producing a single provident result. As to the recruiting service, he was convinced, from what he had heard, that it added scarcely any inducement to the recruit – that it had not added a hundred men to the army. He confessed he had been much mistaken as to the effect it had been expected to produce, &c. Mr. C. added many remarks going to support his positions, stating, among other things, that the land would in the end get into the hands of speculators, and the individuals for whose benefit it was intended would derive no advantage from it. Now that it was proposed to increase the bounty in money, he thought it would be a proper occasion to repeal so much of the existing laws as allowed a bounty in land, on which the recruits set generally as much value as if it were located in the moon. Mr. C. concluded by making a motion to that effect.
Mr. Troup and Mr. Bibb stated objections to the motion, as going to withdraw what was certainly, in many parts of the country, an inducement to enlistments, at a time when every means ought to be called into action for the purpose of filling the ranks of the army.
Mr. Clay's motion was then agreed to by the committee.
The other bill before the committee, going to authorize the raising an additional force of twenty thousand men for one year, was then taken up, and the blanks therein severally filled.
Mr. Pitkin, adverting to the provision of the bill which gives the appointment of officers below the rank of colonel to the President alone, inquired the reasons why, contrary to the general usage, the Senate were precluded from concurrence in these appointments?
Mr. Williams stated that the motive of the committee in proposing this provision was, to avoid the delay incidental to the minor appointments, which could be much more easily and effectually made by the colonels of the regiments, respectively, who would be personally acquainted with, and responsible for, the good conduct of those who were appointed.
Mr. Tallmadge moved to strike out the section of the bill which directs the manner in which the company officers shall be appointed. He said he had hoped that the committee would have risen and given at least one day for consideration; that they would have maturely weighed and deliberately made up their minds on this question. It is true that, in 1798, there was a power given to the President of the United States to appoint all officers for ten thousand men under the rank of field officers; but the appointment of all field officers was retained to the President and Senate. Mr. T. said he knew how perfectly easy it was to go on step by step, and yield power till it all passed out of our hands. The argument now is a plea of urgency. What was the case in 1798? Not the same as now. Congress had been making preparations on the contingency of war. The language of the law which has been referred to is to this effect: in case of war being declared by any foreign power, or the country actually invaded, then the President shall have the power of appointing these officers. Such a provision was very different from that now proposed. Mr. T. was also opposed to this section in the bill, because he would not pass a bill going, as far as in the power of this House, to take away the power of appointment from the Senate. It was a disrespect he would not offer to them, to call upon them to ratify a law depriving themselves of a power they have uniformly possessed and exercised.
The question was taken on Mr. Tallmadge's motion to strike out the section, and lost.
The committee rose and reported the two bills and the House adjourned.
Wednesday, December 30
Additional Military Force
The question was then taken on engrossment of the bill for a third reading, and passed in the affirmative – yeas 70, nays 37, as follows:
Yeas. – Willis Alston, jr., Stevenson Archer, Daniel Avery, Ezekiel Bacon, David Bard, William Barnett, Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, John C. Calhoun, Francis Carr, Langdon Cheves, Matthew Clay, James Cochran, John Clopton, William Crawford, Richard Cutts, Roger Davis, Joseph Desha, Samuel Dinsmoor, Elias Earle, William Findlay, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Charles Goldsborough, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, John M. Hyneman, Joseph Kent, William R. King, Abner Lacock, Peter Little, Aaron Lyle, Nathaniel Macon, Thomas Moore, William McCoy, Samuel McKee, Samuel L. Mitchill, Jeremiah Morrow, Anthony New, Thomas Newton, Stephen Ormsby, Israel Pickens, James Pleasants, jr., Benjamin Pond, William M. Richardson, Thomas B. Robertson, John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Ebenezer Sage, Thos. Sammons, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, George Smith, John Taliaferro, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, jr., Robert Whitehill, David R. Williams, William Widgery, and Richard Wynn.
Nays. – John Baker, Abijah Bigelow, Harmanus Bleecker, Adam Boyd, James Breckenridge, Elijah Brigham, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, John Davenport, jr., William Ely, James Emott, Thos. R. Gold, Edwin Gray, Jacob Hufty, Richard Jackson, jr., Lyman Law, Joseph, Lewis, jr., George C. Maxwell, Archibald McBryde, Jonathan O. Mosely, Thos. Newbold, Joseph Pearson, Timothy Pitkin, jr., Elisha R. Potter, Josiah Quincy, John Randolph, William Reed, Henry M. Ridgely, William Rodman, Daniel Sheffey, Richard Stanford, Lewis B. Sturges, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Laban Wheaton, Leonard White, and Thomas Wilson.
So the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
The House then proceeded to the consideration of the report of the Committee of the Whole on the other bill reported by the committee, entitled "A bill in addition to the act to raise an additional military force, and for other purposes" – the first section of which is as follows:
Be it enacted, &c., That, in addition to the present Military Establishment of the United States, there be raised twenty regiments of infantry, to be enlisted for the term of one year, unless sooner discharged.
[The remainder of the bill is mere detail; the bounty on enlistment sixteen dollars.]
Mr. Gold said this was a bill involving questions of great importance, as well in principle as in its details. There was one feature especially of the bill which required mature consideration; he alluded to the limited period of service of the proposed additional force. There was no pressing emergency to hurry the bill; and he, therefore, moved to postpone the further consideration of it to Monday, which was negatived.
Death of Mr. Smilie
So soon as this decision was declared —
Mr. Findlay rose. – It is my melancholy duty, said he, to announce to this House that my venerable colleague and old friend and associate, John Smilie, is no more. He departed this life at two o'clock this afternoon.
A committee was then appointed to superintend the funeral of the deceased, consisting of Messrs. Findlay, Lyle, Brown, Roberts, Davis, Lacock, and Hyneman.
A resolution was unanimously adopted, requesting each member of the House, in testimony of their respect to the memory of John Smilie, to wear crape on the left arm for one month.
And, on motion of Mr. Fitch, the House then adjourned.
Thursday, December 31
On motion of Mr. Findlay,
Resolved, unanimously, That the members of this House will attend the funeral of the late John Smilie, this day, at two o'clock.
Resolved, That a message be sent to the Senate to notify them of the death of John Smilie, late a member of this House, and that his funeral will take place at two o'clock, this day.
And then the House adjourned.
