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Kitabı oku: «Letters of John Calvin, Volume II», sayfa 13

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CCXIX. – To Monsieur de Falais

Obstacles to his departure – delay of some months
The 3d of April (1548.191)

Monseigneur, – Your letter has arrived just in time to stop the departure of my brother; for that was a settled matter, if I had not been informed. But in my opinion the reasons which detain you where you are, are not of such importance as you deem them. You see how familiarly I write to you on this point, and I do not fear to do so, being authorized by yourself. I had not thought that you would need expressly to renounce your rights as a burgess,192 although I foresaw clearly that it would amount to a tacit renunciation when you settled your domicile in another seigneury. Seeing that there is an advantage in it, you are right to go thither, unless we could effect some such arrangement as the following: that even were you to be longer absent, they should allow you to remain upon the roll, on condition of your providing a substitute who should discharge during your absence your duties as a burgess; or even if there was no hope of that, might you not present a new request, notwithstanding the reply which they have given you, to beg of them, that in the event of its suiting your convenience to remain here, or that after you were come here, it might not suit you to return, they should be satisfied with your renunciation by a procurator? But I would state the two conditions thus: that notwithstanding the reply they have made to you, inasmuch as you are uncertain when you shall have come hither, whether you shall think fit to fix your residence here, you would therefore beg of them, that on condition of your engaging, as indeed you ought, to supply any deficiency that may arise owing to your absence, it would please them still to retain you for some time on the roll of burgesses – in fact, to grant an extension of your leave. Or, at the least, fearing to be troublesome by your importunity, that you pray them to accept a renunciation by letter, on account of your bodily weakness, as they are aware that it is not very easy for you to move from place to place. By so doing, you will remove the suspicion they may have conceived, that you mean to abandon them entirely. However it may turn out, I think they will have good reason to be satisfied. In any case, I never expected that the rights of a burgess would be long continued to you.

Touching the rumour which your clowns have spread abroad in order to calumniate you, it scarcely astonishes me. I had quite laid my account with it, that you would not get away without many of them letting loose their tongues. And you must be prepared for that, as well for the other year as for this one. You have this comfort, however, that it all very soon goes off in smoke. I am still less alarmed at the threat whispered in the ear, for it would need great courage to venture on such a step; and I know not who would dare to be the leader in an affair of so great difficulty and hazard. In short, I can perceive no danger for you, according to our arrangement of each day's journey. But seeing that you think it better to put it off for some months, and that the advice of some friends is to that purport, I have no mind to press it further, and would rather agree to this delay, than by urging you to a contrary course lead you to incur the risk of mischief or of annoyance.

I know not whether this summer will disclose the councils of those who may set the world in confusion.193 For my part, I do not think so, unless some new accident turn up. However, I do not so much place reliance upon my own conjectures, as I await the course of events in submission to the will of God.

Although your coming hither may be stayed for a season, it will be of no consequence as regards the house, for I had concluded no agreement about it. Only I had purchased a good cask of wine, such as it would be difficult to get again. But I have got rid of it without any difficulty, and even as a favour to the purchaser. Therefore it will be for you to consider how matters go yonder, and thereupon to decide. And do not annoy yourself lest any one should be offended by your change of plan, for although all your acquaintances desire much to see you here, still there is not one of them who does not prefer your quiet and convenience.

If I could have found a suitable messenger, I would not have waited so long before sending the complement of the Apologies. But I know not by what means to do so, for up to this time, no opportunity either of carrier or bearer has occurred. When I can find one, I shall not fail to do so. About the Latin copies you have never expressed to me your wish, as far as I know. Perhaps you would rather defer doing so until your arrival. Let me know your mind regarding this, if you please, in one word; if you would have them printed, it shall be done.

To conclude, Monseigneur, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord to keep you in his protection, to have such a care of you as that all your steps may be directed by him, and to make you serviceable always more and more for his own glory. My wife also presents her humble commendations, and both of us desire to be remembered to Madame and to Mademoiselle de Brédan.

Your humble brother and servant,

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]

CCXX. – To Farel. 194

Distressing condition of the Swiss churches
Geneva, 30th April 1548.

My grief prevents me from saying anything of the dreadful calamity that hangs over so many churches. Michael will inform you of what I wrote to Viret. The cause is of such a nature that no one is to be reckoned among the servants of Christ who does not come forward boldly in his defence. But there is need of counsel and some moderation. Should Viret agree to it, I shall presently hasten to your quarter, that we three may thence proceed together to Zurich. As to the rest, Viret and I marvelled as to what decision by arbitration you referred to; for neither of us has hitherto heard anything of the matter. I, indeed, assert for certain, that no hint of any kind was ever given to me. See, therefore, who has undertaken this business. You will hear the other matters from the messengers.

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend, along with your family and fellow-ministers, whom I desire respectfully to salute. May the Lord preserve you all and govern you by his own Spirit. – Amen. Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CCXXI – To Farel and Viret. 195

Disputes among the ministers of Berne – and Calvin's journey thither
Geneva, 9th May 1548.

After receiving your last letter, I had set out on my journey; but meeting the father-in-law of my brother Coppet who told me that you had left Berne three days before, I returned home for several reasons, which, if it shall be deemed necessary, I will detail to you when I see you. Make me now aware of what you intend to do; for I will straightway execute whatever you shall demand, without the slightest deliberation. I have not yet been able to understand the result of your proceedings. Giron and Zerkinden requested greetings to me. When Nicolas asked whether they had anything to say besides, he got the answer that there was nothing good. I hence suspect that the matter is worse than they were willing to express. Adieu, brethren most dear to me. Both of you salute the brethren. May God preserve you all, guide you by his own Spirit, and establish you amid these stormy troubles.

When you, Viret, have read Bucer's letter, you will give it to the bearer of this that it may be carried to Farel. I have understood, besides, that Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg, with his father, has set out for the court of the Emperor. We thus see that all is in the hand of one. Nevertheless the Lord will either close it, or wither it, or cut it off, as seems good to him.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CCXXII. – To Viret

Communications regarding affairs at Berne
[Geneva, June 1548.]

You will say to Farel that I had written to Bucer before his letter reached me. I send you a copy of a letter to Sulzer. I have resolved to write to Bullinger and Haller, should I be permitted and have leisure. This is the reason why I do not return the letter of Gualter. It is necessary that the threats of Ludovic form the matter of judicial inquiry by the brethren. When he shall have been convicted by them, I doubt not but that he will be proceeded against according to law. I shall indicate in my next letter, what form of process I think should be adopted. Adieu, dearest brother in the Lord, and most sincere friend. I sincerely congratulate you on the safe delivery of your wife, and the addition to your family.196 I wish that I could be present at the baptism. This desire I assuredly cherish in common with yourself. But I shall be present with you in spirit.

May the Lord continue to bless you in all things. – Amen.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]

CCXXIII. – To Viret. 197

Ecclesiastical tyranny of the Seigneurs of Berne – sojourn of Idelette de Bure at Lausanne
[Geneva,] 15th June 1548.

I took care to have a copy of the letter which I wrote to Bullinger and Haller transcribed for you, in case its contents should be reported differently from what you may have thought it proper they should have been; for, as far as I am concerned, the letter itself contains my opinion to the best of my judgment. If the reason must be assigned, I not only look to what is becoming in honourable men, but I further fear that we may suffer a heavy penalty if, by servile dissimulation, we strengthen the tyrannical power which barbarous men already openly usurp. We may serve Jodocus,198 and other such beasts, provided only they form no barrier to our serving Christ; but when the truth of God is trodden down, woe to our cowardice if we permit this to be done without protest. It should not even be tolerated that an innocent man should suffer injury. At this time, both numerous servants of Christ and his doctrine itself are assailed. Is it not full time that all the godly, both collectively and individually, should raise their heads in his cause? But, nevertheless, that you may come to a free decision making no account of my pre-judgment of the case, you are not only permitted, so far as I am concerned, but I even wish you to give your opinion. Should it seem proper to allow Farel a reading, I will take care that another copy be sent to him, that I may receive back the one I send to you.

It is truly a source of pain to me that my wife should have been so great a burden to you; for she could not have been of much service to your wife when confined, so far as I can divine, since she herself, on account of the state of her health, stood in need of the assiduous attentions of others. It is matter of comfort to me to be persuaded that you would not bear it impatiently.

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. May the Lord guide you, and protect your whole family – Amen. Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. copy.Library of Geneva. Vol. 111.]

CCXXIV. – To Henry Bullinger. 199

New explanations regarding the Supper – Violence of some of the Bernese ministers – Calvinism and Buceranism
Geneva, 26th June 1548.

Your letter at length reached me, eight days after I had arrived at home. Reust was not himself the bearer of it; it was brought by Roset. The former, I suppose, was less solicitous about the delivery of it, as he had found a master without our assistance. We both, however, courteously placed our services at his disposal. With regard to your small treatise to which you refer in your letter, I wish, my Bullinger, as we were lately in your quarter, it had not been troublesome to you and your colleagues to have talked together in a quiet way of the whole matter. There would assuredly have been some advantage in this; for I had not come prepared for a stage display, which is not less disagreeable to myself than it is to you, to say nothing of Farel, whose disposition you are also aware is utterly averse from ostentation. But we were anxious to discuss with you in a familiar way, and with not the least desire to engage in formal debate, those points with regard to which we are most nearly at one. And this indeed were the best method of procedure among brethren, and one we should have found profitable, unless I am greatly deceived. For with regard to the Sacraments in general, we neither bind up the grace of God with them, nor transfer to them the work or power of the Holy Spirit, nor constitute them the ground of the assurance of salvation. We expressly declare that it is God alone, who acts by means of the Sacraments; and we maintain that their whole efficacy is due to the Holy Spirit, and testify that this action appears only in the elect. Nor do we teach that the sacrament is of profit, otherwise than as it leads us by the hand to Christ, that we may seek in him whatever blessings there are. I do not in truth see what you can properly desire as wanting in this doctrine, which teaches that salvation is to be sought from Christ alone, makes God its sole author, and asserts that it is accepted only through the secret working of the Spirit. We teach, however, that the sacraments are instruments of the grace of God; for, as they were instituted in view of a certain end, we refuse to allow that they have no proper use. We therefore say, that what is represented in them, is exhibited to the elect, lest it should be supposed that God deludes the eyes by a fallacious representation. Thus we say, that he who receives baptism with true faith, further receives by it the pardon of his sins. But lest any one should ascribe his salvation to baptism as the cause, we at the same time subjoin the explanation, that the remission flows from the blood of Christ, and that it is accordingly conferred by baptism only in so far as this is a testimony of the cleansing which the Son of God by his own blood shed on the cross procured for us, and which he offers for your enjoyment by faith in his gospel, and brings to perfection in our hearts by his Spirit. Our opinion regarding regeneration is precisely similar to that about baptism. When the signs of the flesh and blood of Christ are spread before us in the Supper, we say that they are not spread before us in vain, but that the thing itself is also manifested to us. Whence it follows, that we eat the body and drink the blood of Christ. By so speaking, we neither make the sign the thing, nor confound both in one, nor enclose the body of Christ in the bread, nor, on the other hand, imagine it to be infinite, nor dream of a carnal transfusion of Christ into us, nor lay down any other fiction of that sort. You maintain that Christ, as to his human nature, is in heaven; we also profess the same doctrine. The word heaven implies, in your view, distance of place; we also readily adopt the opinion, that Christ is undoubtedly distant from us by an interval of place. You deny that the body of Christ is infinite, but hold that it is contained within its circumference; we candidly give an unhesitating assent to that view, and raise a public testimony in behalf of it. You refuse to allow the sign to be confounded with the thing; we are sedulous in admonishing that the one should be distinguished from the other. You strongly condemn impanation; we subscribe to your decision. What then is the sum of our doctrine? It is this, that when we discern here on earth the bread and wine, our minds must be raised to heaven in order to enjoy Christ, and that Christ is there present with us, while we seek him above the elements of this world. For it is not permitted us to charge Christ with imposition; and that would be the case, unless we held that the reality is exhibited together with the sign. And you also concede that the sign is by no means empty. It only remains that we define what it contains within it. When we briefly reply, that we are made partakers of the flesh and blood of Christ that he may dwell in us and we in him, and in this way enjoy all his benefits, what is there, I ask, in these words either absurd or obscure, especially as we, in express terms, exclude whatever delirious fancies might occur to the mind? And yet we are censured, as if we departed from the pure and simple doctrine of the Gospel. I should wish, however, to learn what that simplicity is to which we are to be recalled. When I was lately with you, I pressed this very point. But you remember, as I think, that I received no answer. I do not make this allegation so much by way of complaint, as that I may publicly testify to the fact that we lie under the suspicion of certain good men without any ground for it. I have long ago observed, moreover, that the intercourse we have with Bucer acts as a dead-weight upon us. But I beseech you, my Bullinger, to consider with what propriety we should alienate ourselves from Bucer, seeing he subscribes this very confession which I have laid down. I shall not at present declare the virtues, both rare and manifold, by which that man is distinguished. I shall only say, that I should do a grievous injury to the Church of God, were I either to hate or despise him. I make no reference to the personal obligations under which I lie to him. And yet my love and reverence for him are such, that I freely admonish him as often as I think fit. How much greater justice will his complaint regarding you be judged to possess! For he sometime ago complained that you interdicted youths of Zurich, who were living at Strasbourg, from partaking of the Supper in that church, although no confession but your own was demanded of them. I indeed see no reason why the churches should be so rent asunder on this point. But what is the reason that godly men are angry with us, when we cultivate the friendship of a man who, by himself, professes nothing that can stand in the way of his being received as a friend and a brother? As the matter hinges on this, shew me, if you can, that by my friendly intercourse with Bucer I am restrained in the free profession of my views. I may perhaps seem to be so, but I make the thing itself the test of the truth. Wherefore, let us not be so suspicious where there is no call for it. As to the other matters, when I had come to Lausanne I counselled the brethren to send as soon as possible to Haller, for I had the hope they would obtain from him all that was just; and in this expectation I was not disappointed. Jodocus, however, and Ebrard,200 what brother of the giants I know not, who had been sent, were so grossly violent in their invectives, that they were presently compelled to betake themselves [home]. So great a source of indignation was my proceeding to Zurich, as if, forsooth, I had no right to be affected by the danger of a church so near us, or to seek a suitable remedy in conjunction with the brethren. Jodocus said, in a threatening way, that he knew what I had done when with you. I boasted, however, that I had been a party to no transaction that was unworthy of my reputation as an honourable man. But why should I recount to you the insolence and scurrilities of both of them? Take this as the sum of the matter, that the two brethren, both eminently learned, grave, and judicious, were so astounded, that they thought it best to make a seasonable departure. Such is brotherly clemency. It is, however, worth while to make a brief statement, that you may form a judgment of the matter from the beginning to the end. Immediately on our first meeting, in place of salutation, it was asked, Who raised these tragical commotions? When it was said, in reply, that they were known to have proceeded from Zebedee, Ebrard exclaimed, 'Yes, that good man is unworthily traduced by you, because he laid bare your stratagems.' On the brethren requesting those stratagems to be explained to them; 'We have,' he says, 'a Bernese disputation from which we form our judgment of you and all your affairs.' I beseech thee, my Bullinger, to say whether such is the case. What have we profited by shaking off the tyranny of the Pope? Observe, also, how suitable was the interrogation of Jodocus, who had asked me to form one of the assembly at Lausanne? Finally, that the last part of the proceedings might be of a piece with the first, the brethren were ordered to go away, and have done with their Calvinism and Buceranism. And all this with an impetuosity almost like madmen, and outrageous clamours. Could you expect anything more unfeeling or truculent from Papists? Though we may patiently tolerate this intemperate Bacchantism, the Lord, nevertheless, will not suffer it to pass unpunished. At Paris and in many parts of the kingdom, the ferocity of the ungodly is inflamed afresh. The King himself holds on in his fury. Thus is fulfilled the prediction, Without fightings, within fears; although Jodocus excites not only fears within, but open fightings. But may the very fewness of our numbers incite us to an alliance!

Adieu, most excellent and most honoured sir, along with your colleagues, all of whom I desire you will respectfully salute in my name. To your wife also, and your whole family, I send the best greeting. May the Lord Jesus protect and direct you all. Amen.

Something is said about the state of Constance, not much fitted to inspire gladness. May the Lord regard you, and rescue you from the jaws of the lion. – Yours,

John Calvin.

It would be better you should suppress this letter, if you thought proper, than that it should lead to the excitement of a greater conflagration at Berne; for the lack of self-restraint on the part of some is marvellous.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Archives of Zurich. Gest. vi. p. 6.]

191.On the back, in the handwriting of M. de Falais: – Received the 12th April 1548.
192.M. de Falais could not establish himself at Geneva, without losing the right of a burgess, which he had acquired at Bâle.
193.The Emperor, and the new king of France, Henry II. Faithful to the policy of Francis I., a persecutor of the Reformation in his own States, the latter was about to conclude a secret treaty with the Protestant princes of Germany.
194.While persecution decimated the Reformed Churches of France, and the proclamation of the Interim dispersed those of Germany, the Swiss Churches were a prey to the most grievous dissensions, and appeared further removed than ever from that era of unity and peace which Calvin never ceased to invoke for them.
195."Calvin informs the Council of certain disputes between the Seigneury and the ministers of Berne, which have gone so far that three of the ministers of said city have been deposed, besides Peter Viret of Lausanne; requests that leave may be given him to go to Berne to defend Viret, which was granted him; the Seigneury, besides, undertaking to defray the expenses of the journey." – Registers of Council, May 7, 1548.
196.By his second wife, Sebastienne de la Harpe, Viret had three daughters, designated in his will as Marie, Marthe, and Jeanne. – (MS. of the Arch. of Geneva.)
197.See letter of 9th May preceding. The relations between the Vaudois ministers and the Seigneury of Berne, became daily more complicated. A Synod assembled at Lausanne, having ventured formally to propound ten propositions contrary to the celebrated disputation of Berne, and to manifest an inclination in favour of ecclesiastical discipline, with the concurrence of two Bernese ministers, Beat Gerung and Simon Sulcer, – these two clergymen were arbitrarily deposed by the Seigneury, under the pretext of "the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in the Church." – Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 357, 358.
198.Jodocus, minister of the Church of Berne.
199.See the letters, pp. 143, 160. In a new message to Bullinger, Calvin strove to dissipate the still lingering prejudices entertained by the Zurich theologians against those of Geneva and of Strasbourg, regarding the Sacraments; and he proposed the basis of that union, long-desired, which was consummated the following year between Zurich and Geneva. The Church of Berne, now deeply imbued with Lutheran views, refused its adhesion.
200.Ministers of the Church of Berne.
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